Family Violence Initiative
Second Federal/Provincial/Territorial Forum on Spousal Abuse Cases
Summary
Aylmer, Quebec
March 8-9, 2001
Background
Spousal abuse remains a significant problem in Canada. Its impact on families,
communities and society is long lasting, damaging, and serious. The criminal
justice system faces many challenges in ensuring a sensitive, responsible and
constructive response to spousal abuse. Spousal abuse often occurs within the
context of an existing intimate relationship which the parties want to continue. In
many cases where the intimate relationship has ended, the victim may nonetheless
have a continuing relationship with the abuser as parents. Importantly,
although spousal abuse victims always want the violence to end, not all victims
want to engage all aspects of the criminal justice system to achieve this goal.
At the September 2000 meeting of F/P/T Ministers Responsible for Justice,
Ministers renewed their commitment to strengthen the criminal justice system's
response to spousal abuse. Specifically, Ministers approved of the establishment
of the Ad Hoc F/P/T Working Group Reviewing Spousal Abuse Policies and Legislation. The
mandate of the Working Group includes reviewing the current status of the mandatory
charging and prosecutorial policies adopted by all Attorneys General and Solicitors
General since 1983 and reporting back to Ministers on the results of the review. The
Working Group has also been assigned responsibility for the review of related
legislative proposals to amend the Criminal Code put forth by Alberta
and Ontario. The Working Group is co-chaired by Justice Canada
and Nova Scotia (Justice).
Ministers also supported Justice Canada's proposal to host the second F/P/T
Forum on Spousal Abuse. The purpose of this Forum is to bring together
senior criminal justice officials representing policing, prosecutions, victim
services, corrections and policy to update and exchange best practices relating
to charging, investigation, and prosecution of spousal abuse cases, as well
as protective measures for victims. This Forum follows up on the first F/P/T
Forum on Spousal Abuse Cases, which took place in 1998.
Agenda:
The agenda for the Forum was developed in consultation with participants.
It included:
- A presentation by Dr. Holly Johnson, Program Chief, Statistics Canada - Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics, on "Risk Factors Associated with Spousal Abuse";
- A presentation by Dr. Randall Kropp from the B.C. Forensic and Psychiatric Services and the B.C. Institute Against Family Violence on "Risk Assessment";
- Three workshops co-led by Provincial/Territorial participants:
- Provincial/Territorial Family Violence Legislation -- conducted by
P.E.I., Ontario, and Saskatchewan
- Domestic Violence Courts -- conducted by Ontario, the Yukon and Alberta
- Victim Empowerment -- conducted B.C;
- Plenary discussions on the appropriateness of the use of restorative processes
in responding to incidents of domestic violence;
- A presentation by Professor Brettel Dawson of the National Judicial Institute
on social context judicial education and training.
This summary does not exhaustively describe every topic that was discussed
at the Forum. It is an overview of the issues and is intended to be read
in conjunction with the materials compiled for the Forum. As with the
first Forum, although participants were not asked to develop a set of recommendations,
some issues were identified as meriting further consideration.
Risk Factors Associated with Spousal Abuse
Dr. Johnson's presentation analyzed risk factors associated with spousal
violence, based upon data from the 1999 General Social Survey (GSS), the 1993
Violence Against Women Survey (VAWS), the Uniform Crime Reporting
(UCR2) Survey, and the Homicide Survey. The presentation included a
discussion of trends and patterns in spousal abuse, which help to identify
personal characteristics or situations that can indicate risk.
The 1999 GSS data indicates that the rates for spousal violence against men
and women are similar (7% of men; 8% of women). However, the statistics
also demonstrate that women are far more likely to suffer more serious consequences
from spousal violence than men. For example, women are more likely to
suffer chronic assaults, sexual assaults, assault with a weapon, to fear for
their lives, and to require time off work. Women are also more likely to use
social services and to report the crime to the police. It was noted that
children are two times as likely to witness violence against their mothers
than against their fathers.
Young women (i.e., under 25) are at the greatest risk of experiencing spousal
violence. In particular, the rates of assault on female partners are the highest
in new common-law unions. Concomitantly, young men in common-law relationships
exhibit the highest rates of assaulting their partners. It was suggested that
the apparent lack of permanency in new common-law relationships might be a
contributing factor to the high incidence of violence. Low income or
unemployed men also exhibit higher rates of assaulting their partners.
Rates of assault on female partners are linked to both the male and female
partner witnessing violence in childhood. This suggests a learned pattern
of behaviour both as perpetrator and as victim. Men who witnessed violence
as children are approximately three times more likely to commit violent acts,
and women who witnessed violence as children are approximately two times more
likely to be assaulted. Alcohol is a key and frequent factor; rates of assault
on female partners are linked to the male partner's use of alcohol.
Emotional abuse, such as damaging property, threats of harm, denying access
to income, put-downs, limiting contact with others and jealousy, constitutes
the most significant risk factor for spousal abuse. In cases where emotional
abuse is present, a large proportion of victims also experienced physical violence,
both during the relationship and post-separation. Rates of emotional
abuse are not affected by class variables and factors such as alcohol, which
may indicate that in cases where emotional abuse factors are present, offenders
may simply adhere to certain beliefs regarding domination. This suggests
the need for continuing efforts to effect attitudinal change.
The 1999 GSS provided limited data on Aboriginal women and men. Twenty-five
percent of Aboriginal women and 12% of Aboriginal men reported experiencing
spousal abuse, which is significantly higher than the rates for the general
population (7% for men; 8% for women). Further, it was noted that these reported
rates are probably lower than actual rates due to a reluctance on the part
of some Aboriginal peoples to participate in the study, and the fact that only
those who self-identified as Aboriginal are included in these figures.
The majority of violence (approximately 2/3) ends at separation. Violence
began after separation in 14% of cases. Post-separation abuse committed
against the female partner, however, was reported to be more serious than pre-separation
violence; women were more likely to be hit with something, beaten, choked,
assaulted with a weapon, sexually assaulted, require medical attention and
fear for their lives post-separation. Further, violence that begins after
separation is generally of quite a serious nature: while men are more likely
to be threatened, slapped, kicked, bit or hit, women are more likely to be
beaten, choked, assaulted with a gun or a knife or experience sexual assault.
Women are generally more likely than men to report spousal abuse to the police.
However, all rates of reporting to police by both men and women are lowest
when the union is current (26% for women; 6% for men), increase when the partners
have separated and the violence has ended (37% and 23%), and increase further
when the violence occurs after separation (55% and 39%).
Ex-husbands exhibit the highest rates for stalking of intimate partners, followed
by boyfriends, husbands, then female partners. Spousal homicide rates
are highest for separated women, followed by common-law women, then married
women, although the overall rates have declined in recent years. Early
separation is the greatest risk period for women: the Homicide Survey reported
that half of homicides of female partners occurred within two months of separation,
in cases where the time period was indicated. There is, however, no such
pattern for men. The rates of spousal homicide are the highest for Aboriginal
women.
Most ex-spouses are killed in the woman's home irrespective of whether it
is the female or male partner who is killed. This may indicate that self-defence
is an issue. On a positive note, comparisons of 1993 data (i.e., data from
the VAWS) and 1999 data (i.e., data from the GSS) show a general decline in
non-lethal and lethal violence, as well as an increase in women reporting to
the police and using social services.
Participants noted that despite anti-violence public education campaigns directed
at youth, young women are still most likely to experience spousal abuse, which
indicates that education initiatives alone are not sufficient to achieve the
desired results or to reach the appropriate target groups. An increased
effort to address the issue of spousal abuse in schools was identified as a
possible response to the problem. Suggestions for possible educational
initiatives included teaching violence indicators to youth in order to increase
their ability to recognize the risk of violence in certain types of behaviour.
Risk Assessment
Dr. Kropp's presentation focussed on risk assessment in cases of spousal abuse. Five
main risk assessment tools currently exist: the Danger Assessment, the
Domestic Violence Screening Inventory, the Kingston Screening Instrument for
Domestic Violence, Mosaic-20 and the Spousal Assault Risk Assessment Guide
(“SARA”). The last tool was developed by Dr. Kropp.
Spousal assault was defined as any actual, attempted or threatened violence
against a past or current intimate partner, and emphasis was placed on violence
as a choice; the cause of violence is a decision to act violently, which is
influenced by a host of biological, psychological and social factors. Risk
is the likelihood or probability that violence may occur. In determining
risk, one must consider the nature, severity, frequency and imminence of the
violence. The goal is to prevent not predict violence, to help guide
intervention, improve consistency and transparency of decisions. The
focus should be on the offender's behaviour and using multiple sources and
methods. Importantly, risk is not related in a linear manner to the number
of risk factors present.
The SARA uses a variety of risk factors. For example, the offender's
spousal assault history is an important risk indicator. It may include
past criminal history, past assaults, jealousy, past use of weapons or death
threats, recent escalation in the severity or frequency of the violence, past
violation of no-contact orders, extreme minimization or denial, or attitudes
that support or condone assault. The SARA also considers psychosocial
adjustment factors such as recent relationship problems, recent employment
problems, substance abuse and dependence, recent suicidal or homicidal intent,
recent psychotic and/ or manic symptoms or personality disorders.
The nature of the current offence can also indicate risk, for example, whether
the assault was severe and/or involved sexual assault, whether weapons were
used or no-contact orders were violated. Importantly, considerations
regarding risk must never be limited; factors unique to a particular case must
always be considered, such as, violence toward animals, coming from a country
where the offender has been the victim of political persecution, stalking etc.
Particular risk factors associated with stalking were discussed. Offenders
may exhibit any of the following behaviours: obsession or infatuation, distorted
thinking, possessiveness, anger/ retaliation, narcissism. Further, societal
factors may also come into play, such as the image of the male as the pursuer
and the female as the trophy, as presented in films, television and literature. Such
portrayals may blur the distinction between romance/courtship and harassment.
The procedure for assessment should always involve investigating multiple
sources and using multiple methods such as questionnaires, collateral records,
standardized testing, interviews with offender and victim if possible, etc.
To manage risk, many potential strategies are required. Available strategies
include: counselling and treatment for spousal assault, incarceration, victim
safety plans, and drug and alcohol treatment. Management begins with a proper
risk assessment, and then supervision and treatment strategies can be developed
accordingly. Risk assessment can also be used to inform victims of any
potential danger.
It was noted that Alberta has developed a nine-point risk assessment tool
based on the SARA for bail and bail review. The most serious difficulty in
effecting constructive risk assessments was identified as collecting the right
information expediently.
WORKSHOP: PROVINCIAL / TERRITORIAL VICTIMS OF FAMILY VIOLENCE LEGISLATION
Led by Ellie Reddin, Rob McKendrick and Joanna Kuras
Currently, the following provinces/territories have enacted family violence
legislation: Saskatchewan, P.E.I., Yukon, Manitoba, Alberta and Ontario (although
Ontario's legislation is not yet proclaimed).
Reasons for Enacting
Since Criminal Code provisions are not intended to focus on victim
assistance, gaps exist in the way the Code deals with cases of spousal
abuse. Family violence legislation attempts to address those gaps. The
legislation is victim-centred; it attempts to help victims continue with their
lives with as little disruption as possible, by addressing victims' immediate
needs, some of which may include: the need to stay in the family home,
to decide who will have care/custody of the children, to have temporary possession
of specified property to enable the victim to carry on daily routines (e.g.
car, bank cards, etc.), to have police standby during the removal of personal
property, to prevent the abuser from selling or damaging the family's property,
to be free from ongoing contact/harassment, and of course, to stop the violence. The
legislation is intended to deal with crisis situations immediately, since long
waiting periods between the crisis and actually receiving protection from the
criminal justice system are common.
Key Components of the Legislation
The component most common to all family violence acts is the emergency intervention/protection
order, which is essentially a short-term order available immediately with the
victim's consent where family violence has occurred and the situation is urgent
or serious. Also available in most jurisdictions are victim assistance
orders, which are longer-term. They can address issues such as visitation
and financial matters and may replace emergency intervention orders.
Implementation Issues
Consistency must be developed in the interpretation of what constitutes an
emergency. The legislation is meant to apply to situations which are urgent
and serious but not necessarily life threatening. PEI's legislation was in
fact amended to give effect to this distinction. Essentially, key players
must understand the dynamics of family violence so that they can determine
those situations in which the legislation is applicable. Access to legal
aid is also key, particularly in relation to victim assistance orders. In
many cases, victims do not qualify for legal aid but neither can they afford
a lawyer. Ongoing training and re-training for key players, particularly
police, is important, as is ensuring that the process is as efficient as possible.
Discussion
Some participants expressed concern regarding the appropriateness and effectiveness
of this type of family violence legislation. For example, some felt that
the relevant interests are already addressed by existing Criminal Code provisions;
with appropriate training relating to arrest and the issuance of warrants,
police officers could respond more immediately in crisis situations using existing Criminal
Code provisions. Concern was also expressed that a new set of possible
orders, in addition to s. 810 peace bonds, family law legislation restraining
orders and others, may simply add another layer of confusion, which could lead
to no response at all. Moreover, some felt that civil orders would inevitably
become a substitute for charges; however, PEI has not found this to be the
case.
On the other hand, some expressed approval for a multiplicity of different
orders, maintaining that in the event that one is withdrawn, another would
take its place, thus providing increased protection for victims. Although most
agreed that the legislation is beneficial at the time of initial crisis or
where the evidence is insufficient to make an arrest, some felt that the more
complicated issues, such as custody and access or financial matters, would
have to be dealt with through the family law court process in the longer term.
Concern was also expressed regarding the legislation's constitutionality. PEI's
legislation was subject to a constitutional challenge, but was upheld. Mention
was made of a current challenge before the Manitoba court to its family violence
legislation, R . v. Fairchuk . Many jurisdictions are
monitoring the Fairchuk case.
The importance of disseminating information on civil approaches to spousal
abuse was discussed, especially in relation to the RCMP who deliver policing
services under contract in eight jurisdictions. Since the RCMP are implementing
provincial and territorial legislation and policies, it is imperative that
members be aware of all of the tools available to them in dealing with cases
of domestic violence. Particular need for support was identified for
members who move from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, to ensure that all are
aware of the resources in the communities in which they serve.
In Nova Scotia, although no family violence legislation is currently in place,
the Dean of the Dalhousie Law School is examining the possibility of implementing
such legislation. Interest has been expressed in the concept of emergency protection
orders, but not in the longer-term victim assistance order. Several years ago,
model legislation was prepared, which led to research and consultations resulting
in P.E.I.'s legislation. The Law Reform Commission of Nova Scotia recommended
at the time not to implement it, on the grounds that the legislation presented
a danger of being used in place of laying charges. New Brunswick is currently
considering implementing family violence legislation. Quebec considered
implementing legislation in 1996, but decided against it for the same reasons
as Nova Scotia. Newfoundland's experience in relying on Criminal Code provisions
has been successful.
WORKSHOP: DOMESTIC VIOLENCE COURTS
Led by Daniel Mark and Diane Nannarone from Ontario, Karen Ruddy (Justice
Canada – Whitehorse) and Sandra Bryce from the Yukon, and Janice Darling from
Alberta.
Ontario
The domestic violence court was piloted in Toronto and has since been implemented
in sixteen different communities. Further expansion across the province
is currently underway. This court process is intended to address the
unique dynamics in domestic violence cases, which involve intimate partners
rather than strangers, and to respond to victims' expressed dissatisfaction
with traditional criminal justice processes. A major impetus for the
implementation of the process, however, was the Coroner's Inquest into the
May/Iles case. The Coroner's Report, released July 1998, resulted in
a series of 213 recommendations, including: providing increased access to domestic
violence courts and to services which coordinate all public sectors including
health, social services, education and justice. As a result, four prosecutors
were specially assigned to handle domestic violence cases and a courtroom dedicated
to domestic violence was established to accommodate the volume of cases in
Toronto. The Toronto police assigned a domestic violence squad to each
shift. These officers received special training on the operation of the
court and the specific dynamics of domestic violence cases.
The four tenets of the process include:
- Early intervention
- Victim support
- Effective investigation and prosecution
- Accountability of the offender
Police and prosecutors work collaboratively on investigations and with victim
services to provide early and continued access to information, support and
referrals to community services. The domestic violence court involves
two components: early intervention and coordinated prosecution. In cases
where the victim and offender wish to resume contact or to reconcile, the early
intervention component allows the offender to plead guilty and have immediate
access to counseling programs to deal with abusive behaviour (Partner Assault
Response, formerly known as batterers' counseling). Before the offender
is permitted to enroll in the program, the Crown receives input from the victim
and considers whether the offender:
- has a history of abuse
- has a criminal record for domestic violence
- used a weapon or threatened the victim
- caused substantial physical injury to the victim
If the offender is deemed to qualify, the offender may enroll in the program
and return to court for sentencing, once the counseling has been completed.
In the coordinated prosecution component, police gather all available evidence
to support the prosecution, including statements from other witnesses, photos
of the scene and injuries, 911 tapes, KGB sworn video statements and medical
records. Crowns work with police and victim services to prepare and support
the victim through the trial process, using all available evidence at trial
to support the prosecution's case.
Ontario indicated that an evaluation of its domestic violence courts had been
conducted, but the report is not yet publicly available.
Yukon
The Domestic Violence Treatment Options Court is currently being piloted in
Whitehorse. All domestic violence cases are heard in this court on one
afternoon per week. The process involves federal prosecutors, defence
counsel, legal aid duty counsel, victim services and probation staff, and a
specially assigned judge. Procedures include a pre-court meeting with
all participants except the judge one hour prior to the hearing. The
police try to fast-track disclosure so that most cases are dealt with in one
or two hearings.
If accused are willing to accept responsibility and undergo treatment, they
are ordered to attend the Family Violence Treatment Program to undergo a two-week
assessment. Participation is not limited to first time offenders or to
minor offences. An accused that is accepted into treatment enters a guilty
plea and treatment is initiated. The sentence is usually conditional
on the successful completion of treatment and no further offending. However,
treatment can be conducted in combination with other sentences, including incarceration. If
substance abuse is in issue, then specialized treatment is also mandatory. Treatment
is usually ongoing for 2-3 months. Approximately eighty percent of accused
opt for treatment and victim consent is not required. No-contact
orders apply to all offenders in treatment, which provides victims with a violence-free
opportunity to explore options. A no-contact order will not be removed
unless the victim so requests and the removal is approved by the offender's
treatment team.
Victims are always offered professional support, which is often ongoing for
up to one year following the reported offence. In some cases, where the
offender has successfully completed treatment, charges are dropped or stayed;
however, this occurs only rarely. Offenders are required to undergo treatment
and report monthly to a judge on their progress.
There are presently no statistics on recidivism rates of offenders who have
completed treatment in the Yukon; however, the Canadian Research Institute
for Law and the Family is conducting an evaluation.
Alberta
Calgary has recently instituted a community-based model, involving school
boards, hospitals, agencies working with seniors, ethnic groups, crisis phone
lines and men's treatment programs. Child welfare agencies are automatically
involved when children are in the home. Support is provided to victims;
for example, cell phones with a “911” button are routinely distributed. A
domestic violence unit also exists, which involves 11 officers, dedicated medical
staff trained in recognizing signs of domestic abuse, 2 specialized prosecutors
and an accelerated court process. There are presently no specially assigned
judges to domestic violence cases due to defence bar criticism.
As in the Yukon, one hour prior to the hearing, all participants except the
judge meet to conduct a risk assessment. Victim advocates are present
to establish a safety plan. Defence counsel is, as a result, fully aware of
the evidence and case history. Priority is placed on treatment, with
the trial process as an alternative, if treatment should fail. Peace
bonds are typically served for a period of up to one year and are closely monitored
by the police. Breaches are dealt with harshly.
WORKSHOP: VICTIM EMPOWERMENT
Led by Susanne Dahlin, Director of Victim Services in B.C.
Victims often do not want to engage the full criminal justice process, particularly
where that engagement results in a loss of power. Pro-arrest / pro-charge
policies remove power from victims, making it more likely that victims will
want to disengage from the criminal justice system, for example, by recanting
at trial. By involving the victim in the criminal justice process, victims
may become more willing to participate fully.
Possible strategies to empower victims were discussed, which include:
- Addressing victims' psychological needs
- Managing security issues, including accommodation and financial concerns
- Understanding social pressures
- Finding alternatives to victim testimony
- Investigating alternatives to prosecution
Factors causing victims to disengage from the criminal justice system were
discussed, which include:
- Minimization of victims' feelings of danger, mistrust and fear
- Unaddressed fears of losing children due to custody or maltreatment hearings
- Authorities' lack of awareness of social or cultural pressures to recant
- Authorities' inattention to victims' economic security
- Fear that engagement of the criminal justice system will lead to an increase
in the violence
An effective criminal justice response would consider the above factors and
recognize that the victim is the first link in the chain to successful prosecution. Interviews
with victims and key players, such as community service workers, have indicated
that respectful treatment on first contact with the criminal justice system
positively affects victims' assessment of their treatment throughout the process,
even in cases where the outcome was not what victims had wanted.
B.C. has recently developed a policy to guide the exercise of police discretion
at key points in the criminal justice process. This policy resulted from
an inquest into a case which involved the murder of a woman by her spouse. The
inquest generated several recommendations which are addressed in this new policy,
i.e. discretion in the hands of police should be restricted, all components
of a full investigation should be completed where warranted, and supervisor
approval should be required where it is decided that an investigation not be
pursued. The new policy also requires that a risk assessment be completed
to help determine whether an investigation should be pursued. Where an
investigation is mandated, it must be thorough and complete so that other sources
of information are available should the victim decide not to testify. The
intention is to empower the victim, but leave the ultimate decision to key
players within the criminal justice system.
Although a pro-active arrest policy is important, a support system must be
immediately available to victims so that they understand the process and receive
support and guidance. In high-risk cases in Vancouver, a victim partnership
has been established which pairs a specially trained police officer with a
victim counsellor. High-risk cases are identified through a screening
questionnaire which involves a risk assessment. The partnership program is
in its second year of operation and many feel that victims are more willing
to proceed through the entire criminal justice process, because of intensive
early intervention.
Co-ordination of support services for victims at the field level is also an
important focus; for example, factors leading to reluctance to engage the criminal
justice system have been addressed by making social agencies available, and
helping with economic and language issues. Further, Violence against
Women Co-ordination Committees have been established, which involve various
social service agencies convening and attempting to identify gaps in the safety
net.
The importance of identifying the safety needs of the victim at all times
throughout the process was emphasized. To this end, it was agreed that training
is an integral factor.
Restorative Justice
After acknowledging the varying definitions and understandings of the term "restorative justice," the following general definition was used for discussion purposes: a restorative justice process is one that requires voluntary participation of the victim, offender and the community. It addresses a conflict and seeks to repair harm, heal the victim and community, and help the offender.
After viewing the Law Reform Commission's recent video on restorative justice,
the following questions were discussed in small groups: Is it ever appropriate
to use restorative justice processes in spousal abuse cases? If so, under
what circumstances? How can we rationalize using restorative justice in cases
of spousal abuse in light of mandatory policies?
In considering whether restorative justice is appropriate in spousal abuse
cases, the most significant problem identified was the risk that the implementation
of restorative processes be interpreted as a retraction of the message that
spousal abuse is a criminal offence. The mandatory charging and prosecution
policies were designed to counter the view that spousal abuse is a private
affair, by requiring the system to recognize that such abuse is a serious social
problem that violates the law. Any modification of these policies, which
the use of restorative processes would necessarily entail, could detract from
the message that the policies were intended to convey.
There was some agreement that maintaining pro-charge policies, while examining
the possibility of restorative processes only at the post-charge stage could
minimize this concern. In fact, many jurisdictions indicated that some
support existed for considering the use of restorative processes at the post-charge
stage. However, risk assessment and support services were viewed as essential
to the proper working of restorative processes. Consequently, lack of
resources was viewed as one of the primary impediments to implementation.
Power imbalances between victim and offender were also viewed as a significant
barrier to the successful implementation of restorative processes in the spousal
abuse context. It was agreed that safeguards would be necessary to ensure
that victims are not being coerced into pursuing an alternative approach. Further,
it was accepted that not all offenders would be appropriate candidates for
restorative approaches. However, many agreed that restorative processes
could play an important role in cases where the victim does not want to fully
engage the criminal justice system. Rehabilitation of offenders was also
seen as an important goal, particularly since offenders often continue their
relationships with victims. Therefore, provided that guidelines for determining
appropriate candidates are in place, as well as victim services to ensure a
safe and non-coercive environment, there was some agreement that the mandatory
prosecution policies could be revised to allow for restorative processes in
appropriate cases.
Finally, there was general consensus that any implemented restorative process
should function as a complement to the traditional criminal justice system,
so that non-compliance with restorative processes would have criminal justice
consequences.
A model developed for instituting a restorative process in the Yukon was discussed. It
involves the following requirements:
- the offender must take full responsibility without minimizing the harm
or blaming the victim
- the victim must be fully supported by victim services to ensure that there
is no coercion
- an assessment must be undertaken to determine whether the offender is a
good candidate for the process e.g., medical/health or other issues that
need to be addressed must be identified before engaging a restorative process
- ongoing monitoring must be pursued throughout the whole process to ensure
that the offender follows the program and the victim receives help
In Manitoba an informal restorative justice program is currently in place.
Judicial Education - Social Context
Dr. Brettel Dawson, from the National Judicial Institute (NJI), presented
on judicial social context education. The NJI was established in 1988 to provide
overall leadership in judicial education. In 1996, the Department of
Justice Canada provided funding to the NJI that permitted the formation of
the Social Context Education Project. In 1997, Canada's Chief Justices
committed to providing opportunities for the judges in each of their courts
to attend the NJI's social context programs in each of the three areas of gender
equity, racial equity and Aboriginal Justice. The goal is to promote
a common understanding of social contexts that are particularly relevant to
judicial decision-making.
The NJI has developed a curriculum to specifically address violence against
women and children, which involves specialized workshops, discussion questions,
videos and community panels. For example, a workshop on violence against
women and children was developed to provide judges with an opportunity to discuss
issues that arise when judges are dealing with allegations of physical and
sexual violence against women and children. Issues include current substantive
law and evidentiary issues such as disclosure of medical and counselling records,
prior inconsistent statements and prior sexual conduct. Judges examine
ways to minimize the impact of the process on witnesses without compromising
due process. Also, a video involving issues of spousal abuse was developed,
featuring a family law case in which the credibility of the witnesses was in
issue. Judges were invited to engage in discussions on the video.
Academic and community leaders familiar with disadvantage and diversity issues
have also been directly involved in the planning of the content and delivery
of programs. Their participation has made available information which
is not often accessible to judges. One particular session involved a talk given
by a person in charge of community outreach who discussed issues concerning
spousal abuse.
Every program delivered by the NJI is evaluated and the results are shared
with the Social Context Education Project's Advisory Committee and each court.
Conclusion
At the conclusion of the Forum, several significant issues were identified
as warranting further exploration, consideration or development, including:
- the implementation of a spousal abuse investigation checklist for all domestic
violence cases;
- supplementing the criminal justice system with provincial/territorial family
violence legislation;
- preparing key players for the introduction of restorative justice processes
and other alternative measures;
- improving procedures to support witnesses so as to reduce the possibility
of recanting;
- institution of risk assessment training for prosecutors and the judiciary
to develop a common language.
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