I would also like to welcome to the Security Council Angela King, Assistant Secretary-General and Special Advisor on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women.

Her presence today underlines one of the darkest aspects of the conflict in that desperate country -- the appalling violation of the rights of women and girls, in particular under the Taliban.

Indeed, the situation of women in Afghanistan is of direct concern to the Council. Their plight demonstrates again how, in today's armed conflicts, it is civilians who suffer most. And, as for all victims of armed conflict, the Council bears responsibility for their protection.

The comments of previous speakers make plain that the only unambiguous reality after two decades of civil war, destruction, brutality, violence and deprivation is that Afghan civilians -- women, men and children -- suffer most from this endless and senseless conflict.

All aspects of this conflict are reprehensible. But some stand out more than others.

Some five to seven million anti-personnel mines are strewn indiscriminately across Afghanistan. They have limited military significance but continue to kill or maim more than a dozen Afghan civilians daily.

The UN mine action program is making considerable, and encouraging, efforts to rid the country of these weapons. Yet the Secretary-General's most recent report indicates that new mining is underway -- negating de-mining efforts and in flagrant violation of the provisions of the Ottawa Convention.

Interference with humanitarian operations, particularly the denial of safe and unhindered access to affected populations, imperils the lives of those dependent on such operations for food or medical care.

It is only through the efforts of UN agencies, the International Committee for the Red Cross [ICRC] and various non-governmental organizations [NGOs] that famine has been averted. At a minimum, it is essential that humanitarian operations in Afghanistan be allowed to continue if the war is not to claim hundreds of thousands more victims, directly or indirectly.

Perhaps most disturbing, however, is the Taliban's systematic pattern of violation of the human rights of half the population -- women and girls -- a violation that the Taliban misrepresent as having religious foundation.

The interdiction on women travelling for any purpose except in the company of a close male relative has been rigorously, and indeed brutally, enforced by the Taliban's virtue and vice squads.

Women daring to transgress its ordinances are subject to harsh punishment, including public beatings and torture. But those who obey are virtual prisoners, and still subject to harassment and physical abuse.

Restrictions on women's mobility, first introduced in Kabul and other cities by the United Front and retained or extended by the Taliban since their seizure of control, not only deprive women of their human rights and the most basic degree of personal autonomy, but also impede their access to employment, education and health care.

These restrictions are not a matter of mere neglect but of active policy, and have compound effects on the situation of women and girls -- maternal mortality rates for women in Afghanistan are the second highest in the world, and while overall literacy rates are estimated at 30 percent, for females this number is 13 percent.

I note reports that there has been a modest, if localized, amelioration in recent months, with the Taliban permitting home-schooling for girls, for example.

This incremental progress needs to be redoubled, however, if it is to represent even a first step toward meeting the minimal standards required by the international community.

People around the world are outraged over the treatment of women and girls in Afghanistan. Canadians are no exception. Two years ago, I personally delivered some 5000 letters from Canadians to the Secretary-General expressing their concerns about the situation of women in Afghanistan.

A group of concerned Canadians recently formed a National Coalition in Support of Afghan Women, which is working to mobilize worldwide action to address the status of women in Afghanistan. I have met this organization's leadership to seek their ideas on how best to address this profound problem.

If I might add a personal note, this initiative is very much in keeping with the engagement of individual Canadian women in promoting human rights. For example, the late Mrs. Rae Scott, a prominent and respected Canadian women's rights activist, would no doubt have fully supported the Coalition's objectives and those of like-minded groups.

I am also pleased to announce today that Canada will provide $300 000 through the UN Human Rights Trust Fund to support activities of local and international NGOs involved in human rights training and programming to benefit Afghan women and girls.

Afghanistan has joined the small but growing number of countries where the state has disintegrated, leaving a vacuum. The Taliban claim to be a bona fide government but behave as a criminal gang, harbouring international terrorists and allowing their country to become the world's largest exporter of illegal opiates.

The acceptance they crave must be earned, through national reconciliation, the formation of a broad-based and representative government, the end of tolerance for terrorism and drug trafficking and, above all, through respect for human rights, including women's human rights.

I have spoken of civil war in Afghanistan. However, it was foreign invasion that touched off the war, and the war has been sustained for two decades by material support from various foreign sources.

The 6+2 group has a special responsibility in bringing a peaceful solution to the Afghan conflict. Regrettably, the Secretary-General's most recent report notes bluntly that certain members of this group pay mostly "lip service" to the objective of peace and continue to support the belligerents. While it is true that only the Afghans themselves can bring peace to their country, members of the 6+2 can make a difference in their ability to wage war.

The Security Council also has a vital role to play in Afghanistan. There are concrete actions it can take to address the situation:

Insist on full and unhindered access to affected populations by UN and associated personnel, the ICRC and other humanitarian personnel, and insist on guarantees for the safety and security of such staff.

Demand that all parties acquit their responsibilities toward the entire civilian population, with particular attention to restoring the human rights of women.

Demand an immediate end to hostilities, the beginning of honest negotiations, and the involvement of the Secretary-General's good offices in the search for peace and national reconciliation.

Look for ways to pressure the warring factions to come to the negotiating table.

Finally, consider measures to cut off the supply of weapons to belligerents.

In October 1999, the Security Council adopted a resolution condemning the Taliban for harbouring Osama bin Laden and calling for the imposition of sanctions if the Taliban failed to deliver the indicted terrorist to the appropriate authorities.

Canada's decision to support the resolution was based on our strong position against terrorist acts and states or groups that harbour those who commit them, and the recognition that the sanctions were carefully targeted to hurt Taliban interests and ensure minimal impact on innocent civilians. We were also motivated by our belief that the Security Council has an important role to play in the fight against terrorism.

At the same time, however, we expressed the view that the Council should show similar commitment in addressing the serious humanitarian and human rights situation in the country.

Today's discussion and the Presidential Statement we will adopt today should underline further the Council's profound dismay with the continued suffering of the Afghan people and our determination to press forward in exploring means to usefully contribute to a resolution of the conflict.

Thank you.

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Last Updated: 2006-10-30	Top of Page	Important Notices