I come to the Assembly this year with a sense of urgency and an abiding belief that we are now emerging not only from the shadows of the Cold War, but also from the uncertainties of its aftermath. Around the world, and here in New York, we see countless examples of the basic principles and the overall vision of the UN Charter being put into practice. The people of the world are laying the foundations of a new international system for the new millennium.

I hasten to recognize that no part of the world is without its burdens of conflict, grief and personal suffering. Nor are there signs of relief from the additional and growing burden of global economic inequities. What has changed, however, is the new international willingness I sense to face the issues, to mobilize political will and to launch reforms. There is a sense, not of helplessness, but of hope. The old realities of power have not disappeared, but alongside them have appeared new forces, new coalitions, and new ways of doing business, and they are impatient. As we have seen in recent days, one person's vision and extraordinary generosity can make a difference and stand as an inspiration to all of us.

UN Reform

This new spirit should begin right here at the UN, where the Secretary-General has proposed a serious and far-sighted set of reforms. Canada strongly supports these proposals and accepts them as a package. They promise not simply greater efficiency, but greater effectiveness. Based on our experiences in Canada, I can say with some authority that budget cutting by itself is not the answer. There must be serious structural change to modernize existing institutions, both national and international, that were formed in the postwar period.

Any attempt at structural change must first recognize the changes the UN itself has undergone since its foundation. It has grown to be a truly global body of 185 members. Within that 185, democracies are now in the majority, leading to a growing convergence of values and interests. The old ideological rivalries and schisms that separated us are disappearing, replaced by issue-based coalitions built around shared interests and beliefs.

To undertake reform in these changed circumstances requires solutions based on agreement and co-operation. Solutions cannot be imposed by one party or country, but rather must be inspired by a spirit of openness and innovation. In other words, we must establish a new compact among UN members to set the UN on a sound financial footing.

As the new President of the UN General Assembly, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Hennadiy Udovenko has said, we are at a watershed -- a defining moment for the organization, that can either provide new momentum or stall our advance. The direction we take is ours collectively to decide, and the outcome in all our hands. We must not waste this opportunity.

The Campaign to Ban Anti-Personnel Landmines

Another defining moment, I believe, took place just over a week ago in Oslo. Ninety nations, spurred on by the efforts of the NGO [non-governmental organization] community, agreed on the text of a treaty banning anti-personnel landmines. This paves the way for the treaty to be signed this coming December, just 14 months after it was first conceived.

While visiting Oslo, I was forcibly struck by how what has become known as the "Ottawa Process" demonstrates the changed character of world affairs. Above all, it shows how the breakdown of the old bipolar world affords new opportunities for civil society to influence multilateral diplomacy. The focus of this process is a weapon that slaughters countless civilians, a weapon that has lost much of its military utility, whatever some may say. This illustrates the growing feeling, coming from the grass roots of civil society, that the engines of war designed for the 20th century have no place in the 21st.

This is not the only example of this new grass-roots activism that points to the emergence of a global commons as a powerful positive force of globalization. Canadian women, appalled at the treatment of their sisters in Afghanistan, have started a letter-writing campaign. I will be delivering some 5000 letters to the Secretary-General, which call on him to take the lead in exposing gross human rights violations of the women of Afghanistan as unacceptable in the eyes of the world's citizens.

The effectiveness of this new approach can be clearly measured. Nations from every region of the world have pledged to sign on to a complete ban on the stockpiling, production, export and use of anti-personnel landmines. We hope to see more join our ranks between now and December, and thereafter. For those who are still on the sidelines, we ask you to think hard and deep on this issue. Your engagement is crucial. By joining us, already the majority of UN member states, you can help to rid the world of this most inhumane of weapons.

As proof of its own commitment to the process, Canada recently declared its intention to destroy unilaterally its remaining stocks of anti-personnel landmines before signature of the treaty. We will also shortly ratify the Amended Protocol II of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons.

The treaty constitutes a promise to future generations. But it does not resolve the equally grave problems posed by mines already in the ground, nor address the plight of those who have experienced or will experience directly their dreadful effect.

Following the signing of the treaty, the international community will have an obligation to develop policies for an enhanced and co-ordinated approach to humanitarian de-mining, and to victim assistance and rehabilitation. This is as much as anything else a development issue. Heavily mined areas cannot pursue economic development until they have been de-mined; and de-mining is a hopeless, Sisyphean task if there is no treaty to prevent the laying of new mines.

At Ottawa in December, we will therefore be inviting nations to engage in a second phase of the campaign: a broad mobilization of groups and countries to tackle the aftermath of the landmines crisis. It is a monumental task, to be met only through the combined action of all states. We invite you to join us. The generosity of private citizens like Ted Turner and the commitment of those like Princess Diana must be matched, indeed surpassed, by the governments of the world.

The Changing Face of Conflict

What is behind this willingness to tackle old problems in a new way? What has brought us to the intersection of high hopes, new strategies, and real ability to affect change exemplified by the landmines campaign? To my mind, these developments, and above all the recognition of the need to adopt new approaches to international problems, are in part a response to the changing face of war.

In the second half of the 20th century, we have witnessed one type of conflict become increasingly prevalent. These are wars fought within, not between, states; wars that tend to be long and bitter; above all, wars in which civilians suffer the most, and children and women are often deliberately targeted. These are wars in which, as Saint-Exupéry put it, the firing line passes through the hearts of people.

As this type of war increasingly accounts for the great majority of all conflicts, the distinctions that once informed the work of international diplomacy -- between military security concerns and humanitarian or civil concerns -- break down. This blurring of the lines, along with heightened media presence, has strongly affected international public opinion. Fewer and fewer people are willing to view war as an acceptable instrument of state policy.

The Concept of Human Security

In the light of these changes, the concept of human security, which I highlighted when I addressed this Assembly last year, takes on a growing relevance. It is based on the premise that it is not enough to spare people from the "scourge of war" narrowly defined. Ensuring true, sustainable human security means tackling other severe threats:

the unmet needs of more than a billion people living in poverty;

attacks on the human rights of individuals and groups within society;

transnational threats such as crime and terrorism; and

threats to health and livelihood through depletion or pollution of natural resources.

The problems of the world will not wait for us. It is urgent that we take action to prevent or reduce the incidence of conflict, to restore societies in its aftermath, and to increase human security.

The priorities for action can, in my view, be grouped under three main headings:

addressing issues that cut across traditional boundaries between areas of concern, as we have in the landmines ban campaign;

identifying and addressing the root causes of conflict; and

improving our ability to respond to crises when we cannot prevent them.

Addressing Cross-Cutting Issues: Small Arms

Landmines are not the only complex, cross-cutting problem to be addressed if we are to reduce or prevent conflict. All too often it is small arms, rather than the weapons systems targeted by disarmament efforts, that cause the greatest bloodshed today. In the hands of terrorists, criminals and the irregular militia and armed bands typical of internal conflict, these are true weapons of mass terror. As with landmines, their victims are all too often civilians. In addition, small arms proliferation undermines the security and development efforts of many developing countries.

First steps in tackling this problem are to counter illicit trafficking in firearms, and to bring greater transparency to the legal exportation of small arms. The OAS [Organization of American States] is currently working towards an Inter-American convention on illicit trafficking of firearms. Canada hopes that the OAS negotiations will not only result in an effective convention, but also inspire other regional bodies to address this issue.

We welcome the recent report of the UN Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms, and discussions within the UN Disarmament Commission on disarming combatants as a step towards lasting peace. These should serve as the launching pad from which to develop practical measures, in consultation with regional bodies, different levels of government, and civil society. It will take truly innovative and co-operative efforts to reduce the toll taken by small arms, but we cannot allow ourselves to be deterred by the difficulty of the task.

Terrorism, transnational crime and international drug trafficking are other challenges that do not respect national boundaries. They cannot be solved by countries acting alone, nor by using traditional measures. Important steps in tackling these challenges collectively will be the implementation of the UN Declarations on measures against international terrorism, an early and successful outcome to negotiations on the convention on terrorist bombing, and a productive UN Special Session on Drugs.

Attacking the Causes of Conflict: Building Peace and Human Security

Ridding the world of anti-personnel landmines and banning or limiting other forms of weapons directly reduces the human suffering caused by conflict. The other side of the same coin is building and enhancing human security. By building peace, reducing unsustainable military expenditures, promoting equitable and sustainable development, and encouraging stable democratic societies that respect human rights, we not only limit human suffering but address the root causes of conflict.

To do this requires solutions that are built from the inside, not imposed from the outside. Sustainable peace can only be built through the active co-operation and participation of the governments, peoples and groups caught in the conflict itself. This means drawing on local, national, regional and international expertise and commitment, depending on what is most effective. It means building new partnerships, particularly between the North and the South. It means strengthening the capacity of regional organizations for conflict management. And it means building the capacity of the UN to assist countries at an early stage in the management of emerging conflicts and the building of sustainable peace.

At the same time, a parallel effort is required to reform the UN development Funds and Programs. Canada strongly supports the Secretary-General's reform proposals in this area. We place priority on improving co-ordination within the UN system at the country level, including among the specialized agencies and the Bretton Woods institutions, in order to maximize development impact.

Canada, through diplomacy and development assistance, has supported peacebuilding activities in conflict-affected regions for some years. To give further impetus to this approach, in October of last year I announced the Canadian Peacebuilding Initiative. Its aim is to co-ordinate Canadian programs and policies in support of conflict prevention and resolution, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. A Peacebuilding Fund under the aegis of the Initiative provides a rapid response mechanism.

Over the last six months, we have used this fund to:

provide critical start-up funding for the Guatemala Historical Clarification Commission;

assist the Preparatory Commission for the Establishment of the International Criminal Court by underwriting the participation of delegates from developing countries; and

provide financial assistance for the work of the Joint UN/OAU [Organization of African Unity] Special Representative for the Great Lakes Region of Central Africa, Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun.

In addition, Canada is prepared to contribute up to $500 000 from the Fund for the establishment in Bosnia of an NGO foundation to develop civil society on the basis of multi-ethnic co-operation. I urge other members to join Canada in supporting this nascent foundation. Finally, I am pleased to announce a Canadian contribution of $500 000 from the Peacebuilding Fund to the new UN Trust Fund for Preventive Action, created by the Secretary-General in response to a proposal from the Norwegian government.

As we pursue this Initiative, we look forward to working closely with the UN and other relevant bodies, with other donors, with civil society and, most of all, with those countries that are striving to achieve peace.

Reducing Military Expenditures

A second promising area of work on the root causes of conflict lies in exploring the links between security and development, and particulary in reducing levels of military expenditures relative to economic and social spending.

Last year Canada co-sponsored with the OECD [Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development] a symposium on military expenditures in developing countries, which brought together a wide range of experts and interested parties. They identified areas for further action, including small arms proliferation, regional security co-operation, good governance and the rule of law.

The UN has established important tools to build the confidence necessary for reductions in military spending in the form of the UN Conventional Arms Register and the UN Standardized Reports on National Military Expenditures. More work is needed, though, particularly at a regional level, to identify ways to help countries reduce military spending and re-direct scarce national resources to economic and social development goals.

Promoting Environmentally Sustainable Development

A third area of attention in work on conflict and threats to human security is environmental sustainability. Environmental problems have the capacity to imperil living standards today, endanger the well-being of future generations and spawn conflict over scarce and dwindling resources.

Much of the institutional and conceptual framework to address environmental problems as a threat to human security is already in place. Sustainable development -- the integration of social, economic and environmental concerns -- has been accepted as a new paradigm. But, as we all agreed at the UNGA [United Nations General Assembly] Special Session to review Agenda 21, we have fallen short on real action on the ground. What has been lacking is political will.

Sound environmental management is an issue of real and direct import to Canadians. Canada has 10 per cent of the world's forests, and has worked hard to develop sustainable forest management practices. Our domestic experience, along with our many international partnerships, have convinced us of the need for a legally binding international agreement on sustainable forest management. Persistent organic pollutants are also of particular concern to us. These chemicals used in distant countries are threatening the health of northern Canadians and others who live in the fragile Arctic region.

For these reasons, Canada strongly supports new agreements on hazardous chemicals, including persistent organic pollutants, and will work to ensure the success of the new Intergovernmental Forum on Forests. Combatting desertification remains a priority for us, and we have offered to host the Desertification Convention Secretariat. We also hope to see a successful climate change conference in Kyoto this December.

Promoting Respect for Human Rights

The fourth and final promising area of focus in addressing the root causes of conflict is human rights and good governance. Next year we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is an opportunity for us all to reaffirm strongly the fundamental importance of this document, and our commitment to the common standards of behaviour it sets out.

In recognition of the importance of this anniversary, Canada will be sponsoring a broad program of activities, including:

a conference on human rights and the Internet, to draw together work being done in many international forums on this issue, with a focus on strategies for using the Internet to increase respect of human rights;

development and publication of a prototype annual report on the state of human rights worldwide, based on the findings of the UN's independent human rights mechanisms; and

a conference reviewing the impact of the 1993 Vienna Declaration, to be held by Canadian non-governmental organizations as one of the many activities they are organizing in support of the anniversary.

Abuse of human rights is sometimes excused as necessary in the interests of stability and national security, but the facts show otherwise. Countries with democratic governments, which respect the fundamental rights of their citizens, are less likely to wage war on one another. They are also more likely over time to achieve high levels of economic development. If we are to build true stability and human security, respect for human rights must be one of the foundation stones.

In recognition of this, Canada has recently undertaken a series of new bilateral human rights initiatives. Our aim is to work with a range of counterparts in other countries to establish government-to-government discussions, exchanges between human rights institutions, civil society initiatives, and projects on the development of free media.

For all these reasons, and because of our abiding belief in "the innate dignity and worth of the human person," Canada calls for universal adherence to the six key UN human rights treaties. We fully support the Secretary-General's proposals for reform measures to enhance UN work on human rights and to integrate human rights concerns into all UN activities. The establishment of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in 1994 was an important step. We welcome the appointment of Mary Robinson and offer our support to her as High Commissioner.

As we move towards the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the challenges facing the international community have, if anything, increased. The trend towards targeting civilians in warfare has resulted in severe infringements of the basic rights of women and children. Too often, we have seen children recruited as child soldiers, or women subjected to sexual assault as a deliberate weapon of terror.

Canada continues to make the rights of the child, both in conflict and in peace, a top human rights priority. We are active in the UN working groups on optional protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. We welcome the appointment of Mr. Olara Otunnu as Special Representative to study the impact of armed conflict on children.

Canada will shortly host a preparatory meeting for the main donor countries invited to the Oslo Child Labour Conference. This complements our domestic efforts, including the launch of a Child Labour Challenge Fund to support the efforts of the Canadian private sector in addressing the problem of exploitative child labour.

Nowhere is the link between human rights and human security clearer than in issues of children's rights. By protecting the basic rights of the world's children, we are nurturing a future generation of citizens with both the means and the desire to live in peace.

Improving Reaction to Crises: Rapid Reaction

The final overall priority for action is crisis response. Despite our best efforts, there will be times when conflict looms, or when it cannot be prevented. These situations spur calls for rapid, decisive action, whether to forestall conflict or contain it when it does break out. These actions include not only peacekeeping and other military measures, but also humanitarian and judicial responses.

How the UN should react to conflict has been the subject of intense debate. We have faced cyclical optimism and pessimism about the capacity of the UN to enhance global security, particularly following the missions in Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Zaire. To date, the international community appears to have identified the lessons those missions taught us, but not to have learned from them.

The diverse representatives at the recent Conference on Peace Support Operations and Humanitarian Action in Halifax identified similar lessons:

the need for better co-ordination and consultation, so that all those who have a role are integrated into planning and response;

the need to react rapidly, including deploying rapidly to the crisis area the core headquarters elements of a peace support mission;

more emphasis on the political and social context where the root causes of conflict reside; and

more attention to transition mechanisms such as civilian police.

In crisis situations, speed is the key to effective response. This is why Canada has been so active in efforts to develop UN rapid response and deployment capability, particularly a Rapidly Deployable Mission Headquarters [RDMHQ]. This structure would not only permit timely insertion of military forces, but would integrate civilian and humanitarian organizations directly into mission planning and deployment. Canada hopes to see measurable progress on the RDMHQ and the Danish-led Standby Forces High Readiness Brigade initiative. These improvements to the UN's rapid response capability are complementary, they are feasible, and they should be implemented without delay. Let us learn our lesson, not ignore it once again.

An important part of that lesson is recognition that rapid reaction to crises is not a matter of military assistance alone. The Secretary-General has recently highlighted the linkages between crisis management, peacebuilding efforts and humanitarian assistance.

Canada strongly supports reform proposals for the UN humanitarian system, aimed at developing an effective victim-centred system. A small, efficient Office of the Emergency Relief Co-ordinator is needed, not a reshuffling of current arrangements, which have proven ineffective. The success of these reform proposals will depend on a clear commitment from the UN operational agencies and programs. At the same time, the agencies and programs must be fully involved in the implementation of the reform proposals. It is also crucial that a new Emergency Relief Co-ordinator with strong leadership, management and communications skills be appointed immediately to oversee the reform process.

Developing UN good offices and rapid reaction capability are important. But the real key is the political will to act, and to act quickly. Lack of political will and sense of responsibility on the part of member states is the greatest challenge facing the UN in responding to crises.

Justice and the Rule of Law

In addition to rapid military and humanitarian reaction, a key element of the UN response to conflict is the application of justice and the international rule of law. Canada strongly supports the timely establishment of an independent and effective International Criminal Court. In order to be effective, the Court must have inherent jurisdiction over the "core" crimes of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. In order to be independent, the Court must not be precluded from dealing with matters on the Security Council agenda.

The international community established the International Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia to show its resolve to pursue those who commit war crimes. If the Tribunals are to be successful, they must have more than moral support or vague assurances. They need the concrete political and legal support of states. We created these bodies -- we have a responsibility to support them and to ensure they are effective.

It was in this belief that Canada recently submitted an amicus brief to the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, defending its authority to issue orders for the production of evidence. If there is no impartial means to uncover truth and administer justice in the aftermath of war, nations will find themselves plunged into continued cycles of violence, fuelled by unfinished business and festering hatreds.

Conclusion

The UN was originally established as an instrument of international peace. Since that time, war has put on a new face. More and more, it has targeted primarily civilian populations. If the UN is to be effective -- and I believe that the need for effective multilateralism has never been greater -- it must adapt to this change.

At the same time, the UN must recognize that it too has changed since its foundation. Both its membership and its mandate have expanded, marked by the growing importance of UN development and humanitarian activities. Clearly, it is time for concerted reflection on the purpose and functioning of this body that we have built together, including the difficult issues of financing and reform of the Security Council.

Reform and expansion of the Security Council is a major undertaking of direct concern to all member states. The long-term implications must be fully debated and carefully weighed, and the process must be fair and open. It must attract a broad consensus, and cannot be rushed to accommodate other goals; including a short-term solution to the UN's financial crisis. Canada wants to see a Security Council that is more effective, transparent and broadly representative, and above all less elitist and more democratic. The primary criteria for membership should be commitment to the ideals and undertakings of the UN and a willingness to remain continually accountable to the full membership.

Broader UN reform must necessarily fail so long as member states continue to demand more of a system to which they contribute less. Effective leadership and moral authority are rooted in respect for undertakings and obligations freely entered into by member states. It is the responsibility of each and every member to pay its dues. These obligations apply in full, as they are due, and without conditions.

Looking ahead, there may be a time when we will choose to re-consider aspects of the UN's current financial underpinnings. Indeed, we may collectively decide that in order to broaden responsibilities and share power in ways that better reflect current international realities, some adjustments to the scale of assessments are warranted. Such decisions, however, can be neither pre-judged nor presumed, and would no doubt be influenced by the commitment of those advocating such changes to the broader purposes of the Organization.

The international context in which the UN functions has changed profoundly. Around the world, people are re-shaping the way they live -- be it by seeking more food, better air, or greater democracy. Crucial to this massive transformation is the search for security, both through the reduction of conflict, and the building of a better life in times of peace. The UN has long symbolized these dual hopes, for escape from "the scourge of war" and for "better standards of life in greater freedom."

I close my remarks today on a note of hope by quoting Vaclav Havel, who said "Hope is definitely not the same thing as optimism. It is not a conviction that something will turn out well, but the certainty that something makes sense, regardless of how it turns out." Our hope lies in the certainty that the UN, as the standard-bearer of multilateralism, makes sense. This must spur us on to face the challenges ahead.

Thank you.

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