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Official Languages and Visible Minorities in the Public Service of Canada : A Qualitative Investigation of Barriers to Career Advancement

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4.4 Career Mobility and Visible Minorities

CAREER MOBILITY AND VISIBLE MINORITIES

Another aspect of examining the question as to whether the official languages policies pose specific barriers for visible minorities was that this process inevitably opens the discourse onto the more general barriers that may exist for visible minorities in their career aspirations. Typically, our discussions with visible minority public servants tended to downplay the idea that such barriers exist, or that they exist in any tangible fashion. More commonly, the sense to emerge from our discussions from visible minorities (and occasionally from their non-visible minority counterparts) is that such barriers exert themselves in subtle, and more systemic than interpersonal or direct fashions. Some of the important findings to emerge in this context are as follows:

Recent Immigrants Versus Visible Minorities

Participants are keen to suggest that the barriers that do exist are more likely to exist for recent immigrants than for visible minorities in general. The distinction here seeks to highlight the specific difficulties - in integration, in adjusting, and in making one's way - that arise for public servants who do not speak either official language as their primary language. As such, the barriers that do exist (and these appear to be few in number and generally weak in effect) repose on recent immigrants' greater difficulties communicating, on one hand, and on their colleague's inability or unwillingness to accommodate these differences. In this sense, recent immigrants may confront more tangible barriers because they speak with a strong accent, or because they are culturally ill at ease interfacing with typical Canadian organizational culture. For example, we heard from some more recent immigrants that they are ill at ease with the overt individualism and selling of oneself that is such an integral part of an organization that promotes by way of competition and interview. The solution, or avenues to removal of these barriers, are in the ways in which staffing processes are handled, and more specifically, in ensuring that the groups that handle them are ethnically and linguistically diverse, and/or made to be sensitive to these differences in approach and communicational style.

Otherwise, we need to stipulate that the above was the only tangible example cited in any of the groups of systemic barriers that exist for visible minority groups in their career aspirations. While we heard about other barriers, namely that the "old boys network" still exists (implying that promotions are often granted on the basis of personal connections as opposed to merit), and that some elements of staffing manipulations still exist, the general sense was that these barriers exist for all public servants, or at least not specifically for any of the employment equity groups, including women. Generally, the tone and substance of our conversations about upward mobility in the public service in general suggest that the barriers and problems that exist centre on transparency, accountability, and the largely predictable and familiar problems that arise in any large organization as it endeavours to accommodate the ambitions of its employees. Moreover, most participants of all languages and backgrounds tend to describe the public service as an exemplary organization for its ability to accommodate diversity and to provide a variety of opportunities to its employees. Most concede that vertical mobility is a problem , but that the public service remains unequalled in its capacity to promote learning through lateral mobility. For most, there are problems in the public service, but no more so than with any other organization.


 
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