"The homes where people are trying to raise families, the water they drink daily, a quiet place for study – theses things are vital to health and happiness."
--- RCAP report

The Historical Perspective

Between the late 1960's and early 1970's non-profit family housing in Canada originated from a combination of social and economic needs and changes within the inner city urban environment. Earlier not-for-profit housing initiatives focused upon the needs of low-income seniors and were the result of charitable or religious societies. Low-income families were served through government owned and operated public housing. Two unrelated but significant initiatives of the late 1960's, the public discrediting of large public housing ventures given voice in the 1969 Helyer Task Force Report on Housing; and the movement in many cities to protect inner city neighborhoods, contributed significantly to a change in housing policy.

On the one hand, small mixed income rental projects were seen as an alternative to large public housing "ghettos" and considered a less stigmatized means of providing affordable housing. Inner city neighborhoods threatened by urban renewal programs, and rezoning for higher residential density, quickly appreciated the benefits of strategically acquiring inner city properties as both a means to control zoning and provide affordable housing for existing low income residents.

As a result of the Helyer Report, the Government launched a $200 Million Dollar demonstration-housing program ("the Demonstration Program") in February 1970. The focus of the funding was on housing needs in major urban areas and produced a variety of innovative projects.

One such project was Kinew Housing Corporation ("Kinew") in Winnipeg, sponsored by the Native Friendship Center. This was the first non-profit housing corporation sponsored, owned and managed by Aboriginal peoples. Kinew's first project was ten units of older housing. Aboriginal contractors were hired to do much of the renovation, introducing an element of potential Aboriginal employment to the program and going beyond the strict approach to housing. Between 1972 and 1975, five more urban Aboriginal non-profit housing societies were created across Canada: Canative, which operated in Edmonton and Calgary; Sasknative in Saskatoon; Native People of Thunder Bay Development corporation; Wigwamen in Toronto and Skigin Elnoog in New Brunswick. All used the same approach of acquiring older existing housing, rehabilitating them and renting to low income families.

The experience with the Demonstration Program led to changes to the National Housing Act ("NHA") in 1973 which introduced 100% capital financing, a fixed long term mortgage interest rate and 10% capital forgiveness. In spite of these more generous terms, the six urban Aboriginal housing institutions still found that the financing arrangements were insufficient to meet their needs. To assist in making these projects viable CMHC provided an annual grant under the Research a Demonstration Section of the NHA. Despite viability concerns, the six Aboriginal housing institutions continued to flourish and by 1975, they were responsible for 600 units of rental housing.

In 1974, CMHC, concerned with the ad hoc use of "research" funds for housing operation, undertook a review of urban Aboriginal Housing institutions. The Aboriginal housing institutions met for two days in Ottawa and concluded that an "Urban Native Housing Program" ("UNH Program) should be developed. Through several meetings with the Minister, and senior CMHC officials, the Aboriginal housing institutions were able to articulate some of the policy aspects of the new UNH program.

Despite the initial enthusiasm within CMHC for a separate program, the eventual decision was that the NHA already provided programs for the urban poor and a new initiative for urban Aboriginal peoples was not necessary. As a compromise, CMHC urged provinces to use their cost-shared funding under Section 44 of the NHA to provide deeper shelter subsidies for low-income Aboriginal families, thus ensuring some degree of financial stability.

In 1977, the Native Council of Canada now the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (CAP), together with a manager of an early Aboriginal housing institution, approached CMHC to try and increase the housing unit allocation for Aboriginal housing institutions. The Government agreed that the new non-profit housing program (just being introduced into Parliament) utilizing private lender capital financing should be used for urban Aboriginal housing. CMHC agreed to set aside 400 units a year or 10% of the 1978 allocation. This joint CAP-CMHC initiative was announced in August 1978. Under the new program, the Government provided mortgage interest assistance in the form of non-repayable subsidies over the life of the mortgage, usually set at thirty-five years.

The number of Aboriginal housing institutions increased significantly over the next few years through the support and sponsorship of Native Friendship Centers and Tribal Councils. In 1983, recognizing the special financial needs of urban Aboriginal housing institutions, the Government approved deeper funding for the initial 400 units. In early 1984, the deeper subsidy was extended to an additional 600 units, guaranteeing that tenants of Aboriginal ancestry would pay no more than 25% of their income for shelter under the federal programs.

This initiative, known as Urban Native Additional Assistance ("UNAA") bridged the gap between operating costs and operating income. UNAA, for the first time, put urban Aboriginal housing institutions on a viable financial footing, and facilitated operating enhancement in the way of administration, counseling, and maintenance regimes that have contributed significantly to the success of the urban Aboriginal housing institutions.

While in practice, Aboriginal housing institutions operated their projects in a distinct way from non-Aboriginal not-for-profit housing groups, it was not until 1985 that a distinct UNH program was funded under Section 56.1 (now 95) of the NHA. While it formalized the deeper funding of the UNAA and targeted persons of Aboriginal ancestry, in most respects, the Operating Agreements between Aboriginal housing institutions and CMHC were identical to other NHA non-profit programs. The flexibility to provide tenant counseling services outside of administration, to spend more on administration, to recognize non-traditional households, and the treatment of income, resulted from CMHC's willingness to recognize the special nature of Aboriginal housing and the specific needs of Aboriginal peoples. Today there are over 100 urban Aboriginal housing institutions responsible for over 10,000 unilateral federal rental units. These rental units are operated in all major urban centers in all regions of Canada. Funding for new Aboriginal housing ceased in 1993.

In rural areas, Aboriginal peoples have been served through CMHC's Rural and Native Housing Programs ("RNH Program"). First introduced in 1974, the RNH Program was designed to address needs of rural low-income non-Aboriginal and Aboriginal peoples living in off-reserve communities of less than 2,500. The program provided for home ownership (terminated in 1991) and for rental and lease to purchase options in which the client made a payment based on household income. The difference between the payment and the full cost of shelter was made up through government subsidies. Approximately 8,850 unilateral federal units were financed under the RNH Program before the Program was terminated. One time grants for emergency repairs were also available. A self-help program between 1992-1995, enabled clients to build their own homes in return for reduced monthly payments. The Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program (RRAP) was also available to Aboriginal peoples living off-reserve communities. RNH housing institutions are responsible for property management functions, mortgage administration and client relations.

Together, urban and rural Aboriginal housing institutions are responsible for the management of approximately 19,000 units serving nearly 85,500 individuals. The RCAP Report concluded "... programs targeted to Aboriginal Peoples have made a major contribution to meeting the need for adequate housing" for off-reserve Aboriginal peoples.

Housing and Well Being

RCAP reported that "The homes where people are trying to raise families, the water they drink daily, a quiet place for study – theses things are vital to health and happiness."

Income and social status, the existence of strong social support networks and a healthy built environment are key determinants linked to enhanced physical and emotional health. Housing which is more conducive to the development of a broader range of fulfilling social interaction, results in a greater quality of life. Adequate, suitable and affordable housing provided by urban Aboriginal housing institutions have a measurable and profound impact upon the well being of off-reserve Aboriginal households.

Aboriginal tenants indicate that their accommodation contributes to their family stability and access to education. Aboriginal owned and operated housing also helps to preserve and reinforce cultural identity of Aboriginal peoples. Improvement in community morale, identity and self-worth is a central part of the healing process.

Moreover, decent housing provides space for all members of a family to be satisfactorily accommodated. This is especially beneficial in the case of extended Aboriginal families, which frequently include grandparents and many children, some of whom may or may not be the natural children of the householder. Adequate, suitable and affordable housing in this situation enable the elders to have direct contact with youth on a daily basis, passing along the language and customs of Aboriginal peoples, thereby fostering family cohesiveness and maintenance of their traditional cultures.

RCAP reported upon interviews with tenants of off-reserve Aboriginal housing institutions, many of whom felt that "...access to affordable accommodation and basic amenities (provided them) ...a sense of permanence, providing roots in the city while maintaining ties with reserve and rural communities." Moreover, the respondents perceive that good housing helps their children by providing "...the opportunity for children to get a good education in a stable environment, that is not having to change schools frequently."

Good housing also contributes greatly to community spirit. Sound, well-kept housing frequently inspires occupants to maintain and beautify the grounds on which the house is located. Within the Aboriginal community, this sense of community spirit is strengthened through communal events such as Pow Wows, picnics, newsletters, access to other related programs such as child care, health services, and Friendship Center programs.

Under the federally funded urban and rural Aboriginal housing programs, counseling services have been used to assist families in adapting to urban life and to benefit from other programs within both the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal community. A broader interpretation of administration has permitted the development of appropriate and culturally sensitive organizational structures. Favorable interpretations of the definition of household, and permitting Aboriginal housing institutions to restrict housing to applicants of Aboriginal ancestry has ameliorated the effects of racism against Aboriginal peoples in urban settings, facilitated the housing of extended families, and kept housing affordable. Maintenance funding has recognized older and scattered nature of the housing portfolio.

As a result, Aboriginal housing institutions have been able to offer more than just a real estate or property management function. Many have been able to integrate other programs, such as employment initiatives, child and health care, home ownership, into their services. All foster a sense of community among their clients.

A Treaty and Aboriginal Right to Housing

Both the urban and rural Aboriginal programs serve non-status as well as status Aboriginal peoples. As we have seen, the housing assistance programs developed by CMHC in off-reserve communities have been provided for from government on the basis of social policy and individual need. To date, the federal government has not recognized a universal entitlement to government-financed housing as either a Treaty Right or an Aboriginal Right. Over half the "status Indians" in Canada live "off reserve". The housing programs developed and operated by Aboriginal institutions are the primary source of housing for the majority of these individuals. However, Aboriginal peoples believe they have a right to acquire housing with assistance provided by the Government as part of a fiduciary responsibility to Aboriginal peoples whether they are living on or off-reserve. "Treaty Indians", along with the Metis and Inuit, insist that Canada respect these obligations and uphold the honor of the Crown used in establishing Treaties and Contracts with Aboriginal entities, and in administering Canada's fiduciary duties to Aboriginal peoples.