Food Insecurity in Canada, 1998-1999

1. Introduction

The Applied Research Branch of Human Resources Development Canada has undertaken a number of studies on the implications of insecurity, such as job insecurity and income insecurity. This study of insecurity due to the lack of food is part of this work. Depending on their mandates, other departments may study issues related to food. For instance, Health Canada may study hunger and health consequences, and Agriculture Canada may study the distribution of food stocks. While larger contextual issues such as the national and local food security, rights to food, commodification of food, market failure in the provision of nutrition, community and institutional food infrastructure, changes in culinary culture are not specifically considered, they are recognized as contextual factors.

The term food insecurity is often used as a synonym for hunger and the implications of the insecurity arising from the lack of food has not been well studied. Many studies have addressed the prevalence of hunger and its pernicious consequences to children and families. This study, in contrast, is about insecurity — regarding food insecurity as an extreme manifestation of personal and household insecurity.

1.1 Old problems in new contexts

The distinguishing characteristic of first world countries is growing prosperity widely shared among its population, as evidenced by good housing, health, education and prospects for individuals. In the post-war years, these countries strove to guarantee a basic standard of food, shelter, and income through economic and social welfare policies; and, by the sixties and seventies, much headway had been made in eliminating poverty. However, the affluent industrialized countries are currently undergoing transformation due to major shifts to globalized economies based on information which affected the economic conditions for their citizens. Government spending was curtailed in order to reduce public debt and to control social expenditures. While economic conditions have rebounded in recent years, significant social issues such as homelessness and lack of food have re-appeared. These problems are particularly vexing for countries such as Canada, which have sufficient food and housing stocks.

What are the causes for households to be insecure due to lack of food in the new context? Do food insecure households arrive at this impasse through the same paths? Old assumptions regarding the reasons for lack food security continue to persist. The problem of lack of food tends to be oversimplified as poor income management, either in terms of acquiring income or in budgeting resources, and are, therefore, generally addressed by income security programs, with mixed success. Many middle class solutions of prudence, such as co-operative gardening, are recommended though inappropriate. (For a more detailed discussion about a literature review and the issues related to food insecurity, see Brink, 2001). Some solutions target those who lack food, rather than those who worry about the lack of food and therefore are not preventive. There is no existing public infrastructure for food distribution to those who lack food, however, community assistance programs, such as food banks are well institutionalized in Canada and are growing in number. Food banks serve those with acute problems and while they provide an essential service, it may be questioned whether they are the most effective and lasting way to address the problem. There are some indications that a series of unsuccessful responses to changes in context results in a chain of difficulties leading to episodes of food insecurity (Tarasuk, 2001). The social and psychological aspects of food insecurity have been noted (Kramer, LeBlanc and McMurry, 1998). Decision making under conditions of insecurity may not be optimal and households may eventually experience of hunger when problems have a cumulative impact.

A key reason for examining the various experiences of those not food secure, is to identify those vulnerable and at-risk populations for the development of adequate preventive and supportive policy measures. Therefore, it is important to include those who are food insecure as well as those who actually experience the lack of food. There are some indications that those who are anxious about the lack of food may be a heterogeneous group requiring a variety of policy measures. The association of poverty has been well documented and many researchers have noted that households relying on government transfers are not protected from food insecurity. Economic security that is essential for food security, is complex requiring adequacy, stability and reliable flow of income (Kramer, LeBlanc and McMurry, 1998). The justifiable focus on poverty has eclipsed other associated or independent factors related to food insecurity such as physical disability or poor health (Blumberg et al., 1999). Food insecurity among the elderly was found to be more complicated than simply lack of access, because of the inability to prepare and eat food available due to functional impairments (Frongillo, 2001). Riches (1996) has identified the importance of "non-food" factors and warns against the use of indirect measures (such as the use of food banks) alone to determine food insecurity.

Regardless of the pathway to this situation, continuous lack of food security results in a combination of disadvantage in terms of income, health, employability and expectations which characterize extreme forms of poverty rather than just the lack of income. When households are obliged to obtain food in ways that are not socially acceptable, they experience social exclusion as well (Radimer et al., 1992; Lang, 1997). It is essential to develop a realistic understanding of the lack of food security, and the potential of levers available for government and non-government action.

1.2 Consequences of insecurity from lack of food in "food rich" countries

A sense of security is experienced when people have a wide range of options, most of which are desirable, at their potential disposal and when they have confidence that they can exercise them. Insecurity is accompanied by a narrowing of the range of options, most of which are undesirable, and the uncertainty that they can exercise them. It has been pointed out, that food economies are exercised by people of all incomes, however, the poor have less choice in the duration, the type, the content and the responses to the need for food economies. Whether one is secure or insecure results in various behavioural consequences (See Table 1.1). If secure, people are able to focus their efforts on desired goals other than survival, to take risks when seizing opportunities, to create an orientation towards the future and to develop economic, social and human capital. Insecure people cannot. When nutrition is compromised, not only is a consequence current low energy and productivity but also the future risk for the development of children. Knowing the consequences of the lack of food, and previous experiences of it may heighten anxieties. The clustering of factors of disadvantage may affect the next generation as well.

Table 1.1 Consequences of food insecurity for individuals and households
Food Secure	Food insecure
Focus efforts on desired goals	Focus efforts on survival, could be time poor
Seize opportunities, take risks	Lack of resilience, no fall back
Future orientation	Live from moment to moment
Develop social and human capital	Have difficulty investing in themselves
Ability to develop support system	Poorer social network
Adequate earned income	Working poor, unemployment
Generally good health	Disability, chronic conditions

1.3 Definition of lack of food security

Because the term food insecurity is used in many contexts, it is wise to begin by specifying what food insecurity is so that it is possible to identify those that have failed to achieve it. Food security implies the certainty or confidence that there will be sufficient food in the foreseeable future. Kendall et al. (1995) suggest that there are quantitative, qualitative, social and psychological components to food insecurity. The elements involved in food security appear to include: the means and the ability to acquire food, the consumption of good quality food in sufficient quantity and the achievement of nutrition goals. While these elements are common to developing countries as well, the differentiating point is to accomplish these elements in the current Canadian context in a manner that meets community standards for respectability (without resorting to emergency or charitable food sources or scavenging) and fairness (without eliminating other options for medical care, transportation, etc., necessary to function in modern societies).

Food security has been defined as "Access by all people at all times to enough food for an active and healthy life. Food security includes at a minimum a) the ready availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods, and b) an assured ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways" (Anderson, 1990). A Canadian definition is similar. "People have food security when they can get enough food to eat that is safe, that they like to eat and that helps them to be healthy. They must be able to get this food in ways that make them feel good about themselves and their families."(Ontario Public Health Association, 1995).

Those who lack food security, as expected, are defined as failing to achieve this goal. This is demonstrated in the following two American definitions. Lack of food security is: "The inability to acquire or consume an adequate quality or sufficient quantity of food in socially acceptable ways or the uncertainty that one will be able to do so" (Radimer, et al., 1992) and "Food insecurity exists whenever the availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods or the ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways is limited or uncertain."(Anderson, 1990). A Canadian definition reflects the same issues: Food insecurity is the "inability to obtain sufficient, nutritious, personally acceptable food through normal food channels or the uncertainty that one will be able to do so." (Davis and Tarasuk, 1994).

1.4 Conceptual framework for this study

A conceptual framework (Figure 1.1) was developed for the study of insecurity due to the lack of food, based on an annotated bibliography (Brink, 2001). Food insecurity was described as an experience and a process, comprising of a sequence of events, where the household manages the nature and extent of compromise at each event in the sequence. The managed aspect of food insecurity means that each household will experience different components of food insecurity at different times and to different degrees (Tarasuk, 2001). The importance of both quantity and quality of food, particularly the nutritionally adequacy have been stressed by researchers (Kendall et al., 1995). Monthly fluctuation with reduced intake was noted by Wilde and Ranney (1998). The experience of food insecurity may be episodic and may involve a pathway of progressive severity rather than a dichotomy between being food secure and insecure (Wolfe et al., 1998).

In this framework (Brink, 2001), those that are food secure are separated from those that lack food security. Those that lack food security, (1) experience uncertainty that they will be able to acquire and consume adequate quality and quantity of food in mainstream ways (2) consume nutritionally inadequate food (3) consume reduced quantity and quality of food (4) acquire and consume food in non-mainstream (socially unacceptable) ways or by incurring further disadvantage (deplete assets, not spending on necessary medications, etc.)

Lack of food security may be affected by social, legal, institutional or infrastructure factors and these are included in the context (See framework diagram). However, economic factors are given prominence. For instance, low, irregular, or failed streams of income may result from interrupted employment, non-standard jobs, or no job at all. In addition, income may be reduced or lost due to loss of an earning member of the family due to ill health, death or divorce. Persistent low income is associated with poor health and disability which may affect access to food. There are also some indications that the system, or infrastructure, disadvantages those below a certain level of income. For example, persons with low income may unable to shop around for low food prices if they do not operate a car, or if they cannot pay transportation costs. Researchers have noted that community characteristics are important intervening variables in the experience of food insecurity (Olson, et al., 1996). Others have noted a change in the practice of food consumption with a preference for prepared or processed foods that has resulted in people being inexperienced in preparing food, though "raw" food is cheaper.

Figure 1.1 Food insecurity framework

Since socially accepted sources of food are provided by the market, income is a critical variable. Indeed, some researchers argue that all barriers to food sufficiency can be reduced to income. The sources of income and their reliability for a steady flow and reliable amounts are important to individuals and households. To maintain a level of income necessary to raise families with a good quality of life, households have increased the number of earners or worked extra hours. As real average income has been in decline, in the nineties, for the first time, census data picked up households that have two earners with more than two jobs as families seek to increase their income. The process of budgeting and planning is a key process for managing income in times of economic turbulence and labour market churning. For those with low income or irregular income, the planning horizon is short and money for contingencies may cut deeply into disposable income.

Though disposable income is the key, the flexibility afforded after fixed expenditures is important at low incomes. The lack of food security may be periodic, such as during periods of unemployment, spells of illness or during the winter. For instance, those with fixed incomes such as the elderly have noted that their income is insufficient in the winter months when they have higher heating costs. For those with low incomes or high fixed costs, it may be experienced at the end of the month. Since much of the fixed expenditures such as rent are paid at the beginning of the month, they are faced with a phenomenon that is called "too much month at the end of the money." Episodes of food insecurity may also be experienced because of unplanned essential expenditures that deplete income.

The experience of food insecurity is a sequence of events, where the household manages the nature and extent of compromise at each event in the sequence. Quality can be traded off for quantity, for example. The experience tends not to be static but dynamic, defined by temporal sequence of events and experiences that can be described in terms of frequency, duration and periodicity (Tarasuk, 2001). These characteristics are included in the framework. The literature describes three negative food states experienced by people who are not food secure which are included in the framework. Food insecurity is the anxiety arising from the limited or uncertain ability to obtain and consume sufficient quantity of nutritionally adequate food through normal food channels. When food insecure households begin to reduce their intake or to reduce the quality of their diet, they are nutritionally insecure because their food is nutritionally inadequate (Radimer et al., 1992). However, it should be noted that food security is a necessary but insufficient condition for nutrition security. Nutrition security may be adversely affected by food choices that are made, due to factors other (lack of information, poor food habits, dieting, etc.) than income.Food poverty is the inability to obtain and consume sufficient quantity of nutritionally adequate food. Note that most studies of food insecurity focus on the food poor. These three levels are not discrete and they tend to be cumulative. In other words, the food poor also experience the anxiety of food insecurity. There can be movement between the three states. Those who are food insecure, may begin coping strategies for fear of running out of food. For instance, a family may experience all three levels in a month, worrying about a shortage of food and money, compromising quantity and quality of food to delay a crisis and, if money and food run out, absolute deprivation at the end of the month, until the cycle begins again.

The severity of the problem is a function of both the level to which food intake (quantitative and qualitative) is compromised and the duration of the deprivation. The distinctions are useful for developing a package of policies that target all three levels. While all three food states are problematic, the intensity of the impacts vary with the severity and duration of the time spent in each state. Up to one fifth of food bank users are first time users, so for many this may be a new experience. They may not have developed ways to cope with the situation. Weight loss, on the other hand, would result only if persons experience food poverty for a period of time. Income security programs may not be serving this group adequately.

The consequences of the lack of food security are behavioural decisions with long term results. Households that are food insecure tend to spend more time and effort to obtain food for their members, in contrast to the current trend for households to reduce effort through intake of purchased prepared foods or restaurant meals. So the shortfall is not only of disposable income but also of disposable time. Those with compromised diets begin to experience problems of low energy, deficiencies, anxiety and even hunger if meals are skipped over a long period. The impacts of food poverty range from affected development for children, difficulty in learning for students, and low productivity for adults.

Within poor families, access to food can be transferred between members. For instance, in many households of traditional culture, males may be fed first and followed by females but there may not be enough food for all. Mothers may feed children by reducing their own intake. This type of sharing has negative consequences of varying degrees for the members of the family.

As shown in the framework, those that are food secure have many options and most of these options are mainstream and desirable. Those who are not food secure, on the other hand, have fewer options and most of them are less desirable and often not mainstream strategies. These options can be grouped under three behaviour categories: income management, food acquisition and food management in the home. Since lack of food security is the issue under study, the less desirable options are considered.

1.4.1 Income management : Income management involves ensuring the flow of income and expenditures in a manner that ensures the well-being of the household. The process is harder for low income households that have less disposable income and hard choices between necessary expenditures. They may have difficulties even with foreseen expenditures and unexpected expenditures can upset the budget over long periods.

First time food insecure households may have options that are not available to those with a persistent problem of food security. They may borrow hoping that the crisis will pass, or they may start to deplete assets, ranging from borrowing from mainstream credit institutions against the security of a house or car, or from other institutions such as pawnshops which accept other durables as security. Even informal borrowing may be difficult because most poor people, tend to know people like themselves who do not have much income. But credit is not a viable option for those in constant food insecurity since they have depleted their assets and have little ability to pay back loans. It makes it impossible for them to make ends meet in the months when the debt is repaid. Some are able to manage small shortfalls by either the use of coupons or returning bottles and cans to increase food dollars or by substituting regular expenditures, such as avoiding transportation or drug expenditures in favour of food. A key issue is forced substitution, where the inability to deal with unexpected expenditures, to increase income or to deal with variations in expenditures (heating costs in winter) results in reduction in expenditures for essentials such as food or heat. If recipients of social assistance are using money allocated to food for housing or other needs, the calculations for social assistance payments may require revisiting. It may also be worthwhile providing a larger margin to allow households some economic flexibility, in exchange for reduced public expenditures in the long run.

It is possible that below a certain level of income, middle class solutions no longer hold. For example, gardening to reduce costs for fresh produce, is not attractive to households who may live in rooms or apartments without land, who may be stressed for time, and who are not sure that they can pay the rent long enough to reap the fruits of their labour.

1.4.2 Food acquisition : Food acquisition activities can make a difference to food security. Food staples may be bought in large quantities. Other food products can be bought in bulk to reduce costs while shopping more frequently for fresh foods with short storage times. With good stock management additional flexibility is gained for composing meals for both quality and variety. When income is irregular or low, households may have fewer options. They may shop daily to eke out money for food or they may be forced to rely on options that are less desirable such as using a food bank. Programs such as home care for elderly and disabled people may assist them with the purchase of food if they are unable to shop themselves.

The key barriers to food acquisition are poor health, disabilities, transportation costs, limited choice of shopping possibilities, inability to stock up or buy in bulk or store food. Some variables interact, too. The lack of transportation limits the geographic shopping range and bulk buying, particularly when food must be carried back. Elderly and disabled persons encounter difficulties shopping, particularly in winter. These factors, in addition to a shortage of money, may require frequent shopping trips with small packages; which, may be more expensive than large ones.

1.4.3 Food management : Food management at home requires the proper storage of food, judicious meal planning and monitoring for nutritious content. Lack of adequate food storage can result in spoilage, and waste particularly for foods with a short shelf life. Where time is an issue, the quality of foods may be sacrificed.

Positive options include meal planning to ensure the use of inexpensive foods, using ingredients on hand and foods in season. Negative options include stretching food components by reducing quality and eating the same thing over and over again. For some, it may also be possible to rely on programs such as meals on wheels and school meals. Food may be prepared for some elderly and disabled persons by home care workers.

The choices of coping strategies could vary with the type of households, the degree of income short fall, or the community of residence. The number of coping strategies is likely to be related to whether households are food insecure, nutritionally insecure or food poor.

1.5 Research questions

There were five research questions:

What was the proportion of people in Canada who lack food security?
The number of people living in households that have experienced an episode of food insecurity would indicate the degree of effort required for prevention.
Were the people who lacked food security a homogeneous group?
If food insecurity is concentrated in groups with similar characteristics, policy strategies would be more straight forward than if they were heterogeneous when more diverse approaches would be required.
What were the policy sensitive factors that can be targeted in order to prevent food insecurity and to support food insecure households?
Prevention policies may need to be available when there are indications of future difficulty rather than the presence of food insecurity. Policies may be more costly and difficult once the household experiences severe food poverty.
What were the main food acquisition problems faced by food insecure households and what were the coping strategies they used?
While crises may be addressed by having access to sources of emergency food such as food banks, cyclical food insecurity requires an adequate as well as a more time-sensitive policy response.
How many children lived in households that have experienced an episode of food insecurity?
It is crucial to know if children are shielded from food insecurity by adults in the household, and if adults compromise their own intakes first in order to minimize the impact of food poverty on children.