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2. Alternative Estimates of the Incidence of Child Poverty in Canada and the United States
Tables 1a and 1b illustrate 5 alternative sets of poverty lines for Canada and the US in 1994. For Canada, we first report the Low-Income Cutoffs (LICO's) for 1994 (1992 base), which vary with number of persons ( no distinction is made between adults and children) and size of area of residence. We next report 3 sets of poverty lines calculated as one-half median Canadian equivalent before-tax income6, but with median equivalent income calculated using three alternative equivalence scales. Each set of scales is widely used in the literature; as mentioned earlier, the 50% of median equivalent income approach to establishing a poverty line is the most widely used in the economics poverty literature. The first equivalence scale is that recommended by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (1982), and commonly in use in European countries. In this case, if a single adult is assigned an equivalence scale = 1.0; then each additional adult is assumed to add 0.7 to the scale; each additional child is assumed to add 0.5 to the scale. The 40/30' scale which is used for the Statistics Canada 'Low-Income Measures' (LIM's) follows the same procedure, but each additional adult is assumed to add 0.4 to the scale; each additional child is assumed to add 0.3. Finally, the 'Luxembourg Income Study' (LIS) equivalence scale is simply calculated as the square root of the number of people living in the household. As with the LICO's, no distinction is made between adults and children. The LIS scale is very popular in academic papers (see, for example, Crossley and Curtis, 2000; Osberg, 2000). Finally, we report the US official poverty lines converted to Canadian dollars.7 For the US, we report the official US poverty lines for 1994. We then repeat the exercise of calculating three alternative sets of relative poverty lines constructed using '40/30', OECD '70/50' and the LIS scales. However, in this case, the poverty lines are constructed as 50% of US median equivalent before-tax income. Finally, we also convert one set of Canadian relative poverty lines (the OECD 70/50) into 1994 US dollars using purchasing power parities for private final consumption (Statistics Canada, CANSIM D23283).8 For Canada, if we compare poverty lines for a family consisting of 2 adults and 2 children, alternatives include $27,100 (OECD), $25,983 (40/30), $26,523 (LIS) and from $31,071 (LICO, large urban area) to $21,472 (LICO, rural area). The US official poverty line is noticeably lower at $19,024. Differences across poverty lines are larger as family size gets larger. For example, for a 6-person household consisting of two adults and 4 children, poverty lines include $37,137 (OECD), $33,778 (40/30); $32,484 (LIS) and from $38,393 (LICO, large urban area) to $26, 533 (LICO, rural area). For the US, there are also noticeable differences among poverty lines. First, the official US lines are much lower than any of the relative (50% of median income) lines --$15,029 for a family of 2 adults and 2 children versus $21,315 using the OECD 70:50 scale or $20,571 using the LIS scale, for example. If we convert the Canadian 50% of median income poverty line (OECD scale) into US funds, the line for a family of 4 is $21, 408, which is very similar to the OECD relative poverty line for the US. Again, differences among poverty lines are larger for larger family sizes as differences in the implicit 'economies of scale' become more important. In either country, then, it seems quite clear that some families with incomes in the range of 'poverty' could be classified as poor by one measure and 'not poor' by another. However, our first concern in this section is to see whether estimates of poverty, using any particular poverty line, are the same if we use different data sets (i.e., the SCF versus the NLSCY in Canada; the CPS versus the NLSY in the United States). The point is that, arguably, the SCF contains the better estimates of family incomes,9 but the NLSCY is the only data set with rich information about the well-being of children. Thus, to study the links between child well-being and child poverty, we must use the NLSCY. However, if income is less well-measured in the NLSCY, this may be one reason for the weak links found between child health and child poverty in the Canadian literature thus far. The same arguments can be made about the CPS versus the NLSY for the US.10 Table 2 reports upon the incidence11 of poverty among children aged 0 to 11 years in 1994 in Canada and the US, using the alternative poverty lines and data sets. We focus upon children aged 0 to 11 as this is the age range available in the NLSCY. The same calculation procedure is used for each data set in each country: 1) households are excluded if they do not contain any children aged 0 to 11 years or if they do not have positive income before tax; 2) children are counted as poor if they live in households with income less than the appropriate poverty line; 3) the incidence of poverty among children is computed by assigning each child aged 0 to 11 his or her appropriate sample weight.12 For both Canadian data sets and for the US CPS, we repeat all of these calculations for two samples of children: 1) all children aged 0 to 11 years; 2) all children aged 0 to 11 years whose pmk/mother is aged 29 to 37 years. Because the NLSY children's data is a supplement to the basic NLSY, all mothers are aged 29 to 37 years in 1994. Thus, the second set of calculations with the other 3 data sets allows for more accurate comparability across data sets, though the restricted mother age samples obviously give a less accurate picture of the incidence of poverty for children aged 0 to 11 years. One reason for presenting estimates for both samples, where available, is to investigate how important/limiting the age restriction on mothers is in the NLSY data, which has been used in several very influential studies of the link between poverty/income and children's well-being (e.g., Blau, 1999; Korenman, et al., 1995; Mayer, 1997). The first striking point to take from the top panel of Table 2 is that the different data sources yield rather different estimates of the incidence of poverty. Regardless of the poverty line used, the NLSCY provides higher estimates of the incidence of poverty for children (0 to 11) in Canada than the SCF (3.7 percentage points higher in the case of the LICO's; 4.7 percentage points higher using a 50% of median equivalent income definition of poverty and the OECD equivalence scale). To put this in perspective, there is a 6.4 percentage point gap between the highest (20.9 in 1996) and lowest incidence of child poverty in Canada (14.5% in 1989) over the 1980 to 1997 period (National Council of Welfare, 1999, p 11). The bottom panel of Table 2 provides a similar comparison for the US. Interestingly, in this case, the children's data set (the Mother-Child Survey of the NLSY) yields lower estimates of the incidence of child poverty than the Current Population Survey (CPS, as available through the Luxembourg Income Study). The consequence is that while the incidence of child poverty for all children 0 to 11 years is estimated to be about 10 percentage points higher in the US than in Canada (depending upon the poverty measure used), when SCF and CPS data are used, this gap is essentially eliminated. This point is true whether we compare the relative incidence of poverty across the countries (e.g., two of the 50% of median equivalent income definitions, using country-specific median equivalent income) or whether we make an 'absolute' comparison of the incidence of poverty by using, for example, the official US poverty lines for both the US and Canada. To give some specific numbers, consider a comparison of the incidence of poverty using the two 50% of median equivalent income poverty lines, with equivalent income calculated using a 'LIS' scale. If we use SCF and CPS data, the incidence of poverty in Canada is 21.2% while the incidence of poverty is estimated to be 30.2% for the US. If we use the same poverty lines, but the NLSCY and NLSY data sets, the incidence of poverty is estimated to be 24.0% in Canada and 24.9% in the United States. Of course, as noted earlier, all mothers in the NLSY data set are aged 29 to 37 years, and it seems, based on the calculations for the other 3 data sets, that this age restriction results in considerably lower estimates of poverty (about 3 percentage points for either Canadian data sets; 4 to 5 percentage points using the CPS). However, the same qualitative points made above remain valid when we focus on the mother age-restricted samples for all the data sets: 1) the NLSCY produces higher estimates of the incidence of poverty than the SCF; 2) the NLSY produces lower estimates of the incidence of poverty than the CPS (though the two sets of US estimates are much closer once we make the mother age restriction). Our understanding of the incidence of child poverty within countries can also be affected by choice of poverty line. For example, for Canada, there is a 2 percentage point gap between the LICO and the 50% of median income approach with an OECD equivalence scale, if NLSCY data are used (24.5 versus 26.5%). Note, on the other hand, that when SCF data are used, the incidence estimates are very close for all but the 'official US poverty lines.' The official US lines yield incidence estimates most different from the others -- using NLSCY data, child poverty is estimated to be only 14.4% versus 24.5% with the LICO's. Differences across poverty lines in estimates of the incidence of poverty are similarly apparent for the US. For example, using the NLSY data and the official US poverty lines, the estimated incidence of poverty is 17.5% while with the OECD 50% of median income approach, the estimated incidence of poverty is 26.4%.
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