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4. Results
4.1 Younger children — 4- to 9-year-olds4.1.1 Economic changes in the familyDuring the period from 1994/95 to 1996/97, both non-immigrant and immigrant families with children 4- to 9-years-old improved, on average, their economic status, a trend consistent with the expanding national economy (Table 1). However, immigrant families still made up more of the proportion of families in poverty. The proportion of immigrant families that moved out of poverty was relatively smaller than that of non-immigrant families. About 14.5% of immigrant families were poor at the time of both cycles of the survey, compared with 10.1% of non-immigrant families. About 72.0% of immigrant families were not poor at both cycles, compared with 77.5% of non-immigrant families. The differences between immigrant and non-immigrant families were statistically significant (p<.000).
While the proportion of non-immigrant families depending on social welfare as the major source of family income decreased during this period, more immigrant families became dependent on social welfare. For about 7.8% of immigrant families, social welfare was the major income source in 1994/95, compared with 9.5% two years later. The corresponding percentage decreased from 8.8% to 7.0% for non-immigrant families. About 4.0% of immigrant families persistently depended on social welfare, compared with 2.9% of non-immigrant families. Again, these differences were statistically significant (p<.000). More families, regardless of immigrant status, entered into the labour market in a growing economy. However, the improvement in employment rate was stronger among non-immigrant families. Furthermore, the labour market was more volatile for immigrants than for non-immigrants. Although adults in immigrant families were less likely to have no jobs at both cycles, they also had a smaller proportion of stable employment, and a higher proportion of new unemployment than non-immigrant adults. Changes in family poverty status were closely related to changes in welfare dependence, although the relation was stronger among non-immigrant families (Cramer's V (CV)= .44, contingency coefficient (C)=.60, p<.000)4 than among immigrant families (CV= .34; C=.51; p<.000). Among the persistently poor, non-immigrant families were far more likely to depend on welfare than immigrant families. Among persistently poor immigrant families, 20.6%(u)5 persistently depended on social welfare, 11.3%(u) decreased their welfare dependence, 21.1%(u) increased their welfare, and 46.9% never depended on welfare in the two-year period. The corresponding percentages were 47.3%, 13.0%, 10.2%, 29.5%, respectively for persistently poor non-immigrant families. Among those who recently became poor, non-immigrant families were again more likely to persistently depend on welfare or become dependent on welfare than immigrant families. Among newly poor immigrant families, 1.3%(u) persistently depended on social welfare, 11.7%(u) decreased their welfare dependence, 16.9%(u) increased their welfare, and 70.1% never depended on welfare. The corresponding percentages for newly poor non-immigrant families were 11.7%, 6.6%, 18.7%, and 63.0%, respectively. Among the newly non-poor, 73.1% of immigrant families never depended on welfare, compared with 69.9% in non-immigrant families. The above comparisons suggested that the larger proportion of low-income among immigrant families was the primary reason contributing to their slightly higher overall dependence on social welfare than non-immigrant families. Within each income level, immigrant families are less likely to depend on welfare than non-immigrant families. Changes in poverty status were also related to changes in employment status of parents. Again, this association was stronger among non-immigrant families (CV = .38, C= .55, p<.000) than immigrant families (CV=.30, C=.46, p<.000). Their major difference was that persistent poverty was more strongly associated with persistent unemployment among non-immigrant families than among immigrant families. Among the persistently poor, 49.1% of non-immigrant families had no parent working in the two-year period, compared with 25.7%(u) of immigrant families. Furthermore, moving out of poverty was more strongly associated with new employment of parents among non-immigrant families than among immigrant families. 4.1.2 Changes in poverty status and changes in family environmentImmigrant children experienced more negative changes in family environment than non-immigrant children. The results in Table 2 revealed that, although immigrant children were less likely to live in single-parent families at both cycles than were non-immigrant children, the differences decreased from 10.8% vs 17.1% at the first cycle to 15.1% vs 17.1% at the second cycle. The rate of increase in the proportion of single-parent families was much higher among immigrants. Furthermore, parental depression and family dysfunction intensified among immigrant families, but diminished among non-immigrant families. Meanwhile, among both immigrant and non-immigrant families, positive and ineffective parenting decreased, while consistent parenting increased.
Changes in family structure were moderately related to changes in poverty status among immigrant families (CV=.31; C=.40, p<.000) and among non-immigrant families (CV = .35, C= .45, p<.000). Among persistently poor families, about 34.5%(u) were headed by a single parent at both cycles of the survey among immigrants, compared with 54.2% among non-immigrants. Among persistently non-poor families, only 2.8%(u) were headed by a single parent at both cycles among immigrants, compared with 6.5% among non-immigrants. Changes in positive parenting, ineffective parenting, parental depression, and family dysfunction were also associated with changes in poverty status among immigrant families (Table 3). However, the directions of the associations were different from what we would expect. Newly non-poor families had the largest decrease in positive parenting, and largest increases in ineffective parenting, parental depression, and family dysfunction. Persistently poor families had the largest decreases in ineffective parenting and family dysfunction. Newly poor immigrant families had the largest decrease in parental depression.
The associations between parental characteristics and changes in poverty status were rather weak among non-immigrant families. As Table 3 shows, only positive parenting, consistent parenting, and parental depression were significantly associated with changes in poverty status, but the directions were not consistent. Persistently poor families were less likely to show decreases in positive parenting than persistently non-poor families, and more likely to show increases in consistent parenting than newly poor families. Newly non-poor families experienced a significantly larger decrease in parental depression than newly poor families. 4.1.3 Changes in poverty status and developmental outcomesTable 4 provides information about differences in developmental outcomes between immigrant and non-immigrant children in the 4- to 9-year-old age group. At cycle 1, immigrant children had significantly lower levels of hyperactivity and conduct disorder. At cycle 2, the advantages of immigrant children over non-immigrant children extended to all five outcomes, although the differences in hyperactivity and conduct disorder became smaller. During the two-year period, immigrant children had slightly larger increases in prosocial behaviours, but smaller decreases in hyperactivity and conduct disorder than non-immigrant children. While immigrant children remained virtually unchanged in emotional disorder and showed decreases in indirect aggression, non-immigrant children showed increases in both outcomes.
At the bivariate level, changes in poverty status were more strongly correlated with changes in children's developmental outcomes among immigrant families than among non-immigrants families (Table 5). Among immigrant families, children in newly poor families had the largest decreases in prosocial behaviours and the largest increases in emotional disorder; however, they also had the largest decreases in conduct disorder. Immigrant children living in persistently poor families tended to improve their developmental outcomes. They showed the largest increases in prosocial behaviours and largest decreases in emotional disorder, and remained virtually unchanged in conduct disorder. By comparison, among non-immigrant families, changes in poverty status had no significant associations with changes in hyperactivity, emotional disorder, conduct disorder, and indirect aggression.
Measured by developmental outcomes at cycle two of the survey, immigrant children in persistently poor families did not face the disadvantages of non-immigrant children (Table 6). Among immigrant families, children living in persistently poor families did not rank the lowest in any of the five developmental outcomes at cycle 2 of the survey. In sharp contrast, non-immigrant children in persistently poor families clearly had disadvantages in hyperactivity, emotional disorder, conduct disorder, and indirect aggression. They had the highest levels in three of the four outcomes, and their differences with children in persistently non-poor families were significant in all four outcomes. These results suggest that, although prolonged exposure to poverty may not further escalate children's developmental problems, children living in persistent poverty experienced disadvantages in developmental outcomes that sustained over time.
The above bivariate analyses could not indicate whether the effects of changes in poverty status are conditioned by absolute income changes or influenced by changes in income sources, family structure, and parental characteristics. Tables 7 to 16 present results of multivariate analyses for each of the five selected developmental outcomes for immigrant and non-immigrant families. As explained before, changes in family structure contained four categories in non-immigrant families, but only three categories among immigrant families. A. Hyperactivity As shown in Table 7, variables representing economic changes were more likely to be significant, and added more explanatory power to the models for immigrant children than for non-immigrant children (as in Table 8). Changes in family structure explained little additional variance in the outcomes (Model 3). Changes in parental characteristics tended to explain more variance in the outcome than did economic situation and family structure. The results presented in the final model suggested that children living in persistently non-poor families did not have advantages in hyperactivity over children in families which experienced poverty currently or in the past. Furthermore, absolute income changes moderated the effects of changes in poverty status. Figure 1a suggests that absolute income increases reduced immigrant children's hyperactivity among persistently poor families, although these families on average had little absolute income changes. Overall, immigrant children in persistently poor families had lower levels of hyperactivity than children in persistently non-poor families. For newly non-poor families, Figure 1b included only four points on the X-axis: mean absolute income increases (104%), one standard deviation below the mean (left), one and two standard deviations above the mean (right). The outcome value for two standard deviations below the mean was out of the reasonable range. This figure shows that in newly non-poor families, children's hyperactivity tended to elevate with increases in absolute income, although children in these families had overall lower levels of hyperactivity than children in persistently non-poor families. For newly poor immigrant families, Figure 1c also included only four points on the X-axis: mean absolute income decreases (-48%), one and two standard deviations below the mean (left), one standard deviation above the mean (right). In this group, children's hyperactivity increased with decreases in absolute income. Model 4 in Table 7 also revealed that the only other significant economic variable was new employment: children whose parents became newly employed tended to have higher levels of hyperactivity than those whose parents maintained stable employment. Single-parent status, regardless of whether it was persistent or recent, was associated with higher levels of children's hyperactivity. Increases in ineffective parenting and consistent parenting both escalated children's hyperactivity. Although country of birth made no difference, children's hyperactivity increased with parent's length of residence; also, non-white children tended to have higher levels of hyperactivity. ![]() ![]() ![]() Among non-immigrant families (Table 8), changes in poverty status and other related economic situations had little effects on the changes in children's hyperactivity. The addition of variables representing changes in economic situations resulted in less than a 1% increase in explained variance from Model 1 to Model 2. As observed in Model 2, absolute income increases among persistently poor families tended to intensify children's hyperactivity. Decreased welfare dependence and persistent unemployment of parents were associated with elevated levels of children's hyperactivity. The addition of family structure variables in Model 3 substantially reduced the coefficient of decreased welfare dependence, a finding suggesting that the effect of decreased welfare dependence may be partially mediated by changes in family structure. The larger increment in R-square from Model 3 to Model 4 suggested that changes in ineffective parenting and parental depression had stronger effects on the changes in children's hyperactivity than did changes in economic situation and family structure. Among all variables representing changes in economic situation, only decreased welfare dependence was significant in Model 4. The results in Model 4 also suggested that children's hyperactivity was rather stable over the two-year study period. Decreases in the level of hyperactivity were more likely to be observed among older than younger children. Girls had larger decreases than boys. Children living in single-parent families at both cycles, or whose single parent later found a partner tended to increase their level of hyperactivity. Increases in the levels of ineffective parenting and parental depression intensified children's hyperactivity. B. Prosocial behaviour Economic variables tended to be more strongly correlated with changes in prosocial behaviors among immigrant families than non-immigrant families. Among immigrant families (Table 9), variables representing economic changes added, to Model 1, about 5% explained variance in prosocial behaviours at cycle 2. Of the significant economic variables in Model 2, however, only the positive effect of increased welfare dependence remained significant in Model 4. Parents' education increased immigrant children's prosocial behaviors. Increases in ineffective parenting reduced children prosocial behaviours. Non-white children had higher levels of prosocial behaviours than white children. Meanwhile, country of birth and parent's length of residence was immaterial. Among non-immigrant families (Table 10), changes in economic situation and family structure explained little of the variance in the changes in children's prosocial behaviours, as R-square only slightly increased from Model 1 to Model 3. Results of Model 4 suggested that children in newly poor families were more likely to decrease their prosocial behaviours, compared with those in persistently non-poor families. No other economic variables had significant effects. Transitions from single-parent families to two-parent families tended to increase children's prosocial behaviours. Increases in positive parenting and decreases in ineffective parenting were associated with increased prosocial behaviours. The effect of increase in parental depression was also marginally significant. C. Emotional Problems Among immigrant families (Table 11), variables representing economic changes resulted in a 2.4% increase from Model 1 to Model 2 in explained variance in emotional problems. After controlling for changes in family structure and parental characteristics, children living in persistently poor families had lower levels of emotional disorder than those living in persistently non-poor families. On the other hand, increases in welfare dependence elevated immigrant children's emotional disorder. Unemployment of parents, whether it was persistent or recent, was associated with lower levels of children's emotional disorder. Changes from living with two parents to living with a single parent tended to escalate immigrant children's emotional disorder. Increases in positive parenting and decreases in ineffective parenting and parental depression tended to ameliorate immigrant children's emotional disorder. Although country of birth and race made no difference, immigrant children's emotional disorder increased as parents stayed longer in Canada after immigration. Among non-immigrant families (Table 12), changes in parental characteristics tended to explain more of the variance in emotional disorder than did changes in economic situation and family structure. Results in Model 4 indicated that single-parent status, regardless of the recency or duration of this status, was associated with elevated levels of children's emotional disorder. Increases in positive parenting and consistent parenting, as well as decreases in ineffective parenting and parental depression, attenuated children's emotional disorder. Children living in families that became recently dependent on social welfare as the major income source tended to have escalated emotional disorder. The positive and significant interaction between persistent poverty and absolute increases in income is counterintuitive. Figure 2 illustrates that, overall, absolute income for persistently poor families remained virtually unchanged, showing only a 1% decrease. However, among persistently poor families children's emotional disorder increased with increases in absolute income. Further analyses suggest that the above result may entail some important underlying dynamics. Results of bivariate correlations indicated that, among families in persistent poverty, absolute income increases were significantly associated with new employment of parents and reduced dependence on social welfare. It is possible that the new employment of parents did not bring enough income into the household to pull the family out of poverty. At the same time low-pay jobs were a new source of stress for parents. Furthermore, working parents were no longer able to spend as much time with the child relative to when they were not employed. Thus, small economic gains resulting from new employment may not compensate for the contemporaneous psychological stress. ![]() D. Conduct problems Among immigrant families (Table 13), variables representing economic changes resulted in an increase of about 3.6% explained variance from Model 1 to Model 2. The significant economic variables in Model 2 remained significant in Model 4. Results in Model 4 showed that children in newly poor families tended to have lower conduct disorder than those in persistently non-poor families. Furthermore, among persistently poor and newly poor families, immigrant children's conduct disorder increased with decreases in absolute income. As Figure 3a illustrates, children living in persistently poor families experiencing some increases in absolute income tended to be similar to, or perform better than children in persistently non-poor families. Figure 3b illustrates how only when absolute income decreased by more than 60% did children living in newly poor families have higher levels of conduct disorder than children in persistently non-poor families. Similar to the results for emotional disorder, immigrant children with newly unemployed parents had lower levels of conduct disorder than children with persistently employed parents. Decreased welfare dependence also increased children's conduct disorder. ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() ![]() The results in Model 4 of Table 13 also revealed that changes in family structure had no significant effects on immigrant children's conduct disorder. Increases in ineffective parenting and consistent parenting were both associated with elevated levels of children's conduct disorder. Foreign-born children tended to have higher levels of conduct disorder than children born to immigrant parents, while parents' length of residence and race made no significant difference. Among non-immigrant families, the models for conduct disorder in Table 14 yielded many similar results to those for emotional disorder (Table 12). First, changes in parental characteristics tended to explain more variance in conduct disorder than changes in economic situation and family structure. Second, increases in positive parenting and decreases in ineffective parenting and parental depression tended to ameliorate children's conduct problems. Third, children living in families which became increasingly dependent on social welfare had higher levels of conduct disorder. Fourth, among persistently poor families, absolute income increases heightened children's conduct disorders, as shown in Figure 4a. The models for conduct disorder also revealed some patterns that were not significant in the models for emotional disorder. First, breakdowns of two-parent families were associated with reduced levels of children's conduct disorder. Second, children with parents who were unemployed at both cycles had higher levels of conduct disorder. Third, among families recently moved out of poverty, absolute income increases helped to ameliorate children's conduct problems. As Figure 4b illustrated, newly non-poor families on average showed about 91% increases in absolute income. Only among those families whose absolute income almost doubled in the two-year period, did children have lower levels of conduct disorder than those in persistently non-poor families. This result suggests that transitions out of poverty without substantial increases in average income would not be enough to improve children's conduct problems. Third, the conditional effect of absolute income changes also held among families that fell into poverty. As illustrated in Figure 4c, newly poor families on average experienced about 47% of a decrease in absolute income. Only among those families whose absolute income decreased by 20% in the two-year period, did children have higher levels of conduct disorder than those in persistently non-poor families. Furthermore, the larger the decrease in absolute income, the larger the difference in children's conduct disorder between newly poor and persistently non-poor families. E. Indirect aggression Among immigrant families (Table 15), variables representing economic changes added 8.9% explained variance from Model 1 to Model 2. All the significant economic variables in Model 2 remained significant in Model 4 which controlled for changes in family structure and parental characteristics. The results in Model 4 suggested that children living in persistently poor families had higher levels of indirect aggression than those living in persistently non-poor families. In contrast, children in newly poor families had lower levels of indirect aggression than children in persistently non-poor families. However, children's indirect aggression increased with decreases in absolute income among newly poor families. Children in newly non-poor families had on average higher levels of indirect aggression than those in persistently non-poor families. However, when absolute income increases were substantial (more than doubling the previous income), children in newly non-poor families tended to have lower levels of indirect aggression than children in persistently non-poor families. Similar to the results for conduct disorder, decreased welfare dependence in the family was associated with higher levels of children's indirect aggression. While persistent unemployment of parents was associated with lower levels of children's indirect aggression, new employment increased children's indirect aggression. Similar to the results for emotional disorder, changes from living with two parents to staying with a single parent increased immigrant children's indirect aggression. Increases in positive parenting and decreases in ineffective parenting ameliorated children's indirect aggression, while increases in consistent parenting elevated children's indirect aggression. The effect of country of birth became insignificant once economic variables were controlled. However, non-white children had lower levels of indirect aggression. Immigrant children's indirect aggression tended to increase as their parents stayed more years in Canada. Among non-immigrant families (Table 16), changes in economic situation, family structure, and parental characteristics added little power to explain changes in outcome. Among persistently poor families, absolute income increases were associated with elevated levels of children's indirect aggression. In contrast, among newly non-poor families, absolute income increases ameliorated children's indirect aggression. Similar to the effects on conduct disorder, absolute income increases among newly non-poor families had to be substantial (in this case, about 80%) before their children's indirect aggression could approach or fall below the levels of those living in persistently non-poor families. Living in single-parent families at both cycles, or changing from single-parent to two-parent families were associated with elevated levels of indirect aggression. Increases in ineffective parenting also intensified non-immigrant children's indirect aggression. Girls were more likely to increase indirect aggression than boys. Unlike the results of models for other developmental outcomes, older age and higher education of the parents tended to reduce children's indirect aggression.
4.2 Older children — 10- to 11-year-oldsFor children who were 10- to 11-years-old at the cycle 1 survey, we did not conduct separate analyses for immigrant and non-immigrant children due to sample size constraints. Also, whereas for the younger age group of children, developmental outcomes were reported by the person most knowledgeable (PMK) about the child, self-reported outcomes were used for children in the older group. Many previous studies suggest that parent-reported and children's self-reported developmental behaviours in general are weakly to moderately correlated. 4.2.1 Economic changes in the familyFamilies with older children tended to be in a better economic situation than those with younger children. They were more likely to be persistently non-poor, without dependence on social welfare, and with stable employment. Meanwhile, they also did not show the large economic improvements of non-immigrant families with younger children. As shown in Table 17, there were slightly more newly poor families than newly non-poor families. The number of families that decreased their welfare dependence was just slightly higher than the number of families that increased their welfare dependence. There were more families with newly employed parent(s) (19.5%) than with newly unemployed parent(s) (11.4%).
Changes in family poverty status were moderately related to changes in welfare dependence (Cramer's V (CV)= .37, contingency coefficient (C)= .54, p<.000). Among persistently poor families, 39.9% persistently depended on social welfare, 10.4% decreased their welfare dependence, 3.5% increased their welfare dependence, and 46.2% had no dependence on welfare. The corresponding percentages were 6.7%, 3.3%, 16.7% and 73.3%, respectively for newly poor families, and 6.8%, 13.6%, 1.9%, and 77.7%, respectively for newly non-poor families. Among persistently non-poor families, about 96.9% never depended on social welfare in the two-year period. Changes in poverty status were also related to changes in employment (CV = .33, C= .49, p<.000). Among persistently non-poor families, less than 1% had no parent working at both cycles of the survey, and about 71.2% maintained stable employment. In contrast, in persistently poor families, 40.1% had no parent working at both cycles of the survey, and only 27.9% maintained stable employment. Newly non-poor families were more likely to have at least one parent moving into employment (39.2%) than becoming unemployed (6.9%). Among newly poor families, 30.3% had at least one parent becoming employed, while 23.5% had at least one parent becoming unemployed. 4.2.2 Changes in poverty status and changes in family environmentAs shown in Table 18, children in the 10- to 11-year-old group living in single-parent families increased from 17.2% to 18.4% in the two-year study period. About 79.2% of children lived in two-parent families at both cycles, and 14.9% lived in single-parent families at both cycles.
While levels of parental depression declined over the two-year period, levels of family dysfunction increased. We were unable to examine changes in parenting for the older children, since only the PMK report of parenting was available at cycle 1, and child self-reported parenting was available at cycle 2. As shown in Table 19, persistently poor families tended to have the highest levels of parental depression and family dysfunction, followed by newly poor families. Newly non-poor families and persistently poor families had lower levels of parental nurturance, as per the child-reported parenting scale.
4.2.3 Changes in poverty status and developmental outcomesAt the bivariate level, changes in poverty status were not significantly related to changes in children's self-reported hyperactivity, prosocial behaviours, emotional disorder, and conduct disorder in the 10- to 11-year-old age group (Table 20). For indirect aggression, children in newly poor families had the largest increases, while children in persistently poor families had the largest decreases. Change in poverty status also made no difference in children's developmental outcomes at cycle 2 (Table 21). The only exception was conduct disorder in which children in persistently poor families exhibited higher levels than those in persistently non-poor families. Multivariate analyses indicated that the effects of changes in poverty status were somewhat conditioned by absolute income changes, and that some other economic variables also had important effects on some developmental outcomes. Tables 22 to 26 present multivariate analyses for hyperactivity, prosocial behaviours, emotional disorder, conduct disorder, and indirect aggression. Since we did not have change scores of parenting variables for children in the 10- to 11-year-old age group, we used cycle 1 values of positive, ineffective, and consistent parenting for Model 4 in each table.
A. Hyperactivity In Table 22 for regression models using hyperactivity as the dependent variable, the explained variances increased by 2.3% from Model 1 to Model 2 due to the addition of economic variables. All the significant variables in Model 2 remained significant in Model 4 where variables representing family structure and parental characteristics were controlled. According to the results in Model 4, larger decreases in absolute income were associated with lower levels of children's hyperactivity among newly poor families. Conversely, children in newly non-poor families showed lower levels of hyperactivity than those living in persistently non-poor families if their families had a substantial absolute income increase. The average absolute income more than doubled (105%) in the two-year study period among newly non-poor families. Notably, this was also the amount of income increase beyond which children in this group had similar levels of hyperactivity as those in persistently non-poor families. While decreased welfare dependence reduced children's hyperactivity, increased welfare dependence had the opposite effect. Changes in family structure had no significant effects on children's self-reported hyperactivity. Higher levels of consistent parenting at cycle 1 were associated with lower levels of hyperactivity. Increases in family dysfunction were marginally associated with decreases in children's hyperactivity. Non-white children tended to have higher levels of hyperactivity than white children, while immigrant status made no difference. B. Prosocial behaviours In Table 23, for prosocial behaviours, changes in family structure and parental characteristics had no significant effects on changes in outcome. The addition of economic variables only increased the explained variance from Model 1 to Model 2 by 1.1%. Among newly poor families, larger decreases in absolute income were associated with larger decreases in children's prosocial behaviours. Increased welfare dependence promoted prosocial behaviours. Persistent unemployment of parents brought down children's prosocial behaviours. Girls were more likely to increase their prosocial behaviours than boys. Race and immigrant status made no difference. C. Emotional disorder In Table 24, for emotional disorder, the addition of economic variables increased very little of the explained variance from Model 1 to Model 2. However, the conditional effect of absolute income increases among newly non-poor families remained significant in Model 4. Figure 5 illustrated this conditional effect based on the coefficients in Model 4. On the x-axis, four points of absolute income change were included: the mean absolute increase (105%) among newly non-poor families, one standard deviation below the mean (left), one and two standard deviations above the mean (right). Only when absolute income at least doubled did children in newly non-poor families exhibit similar or lower levels of emotional disorder than children in persistently non-poor families. In model 4, other economic variables had no significant effects. While positive parenting at cycle 1 was marginally associated with increased emotional disorder, consistent parenting showed the opposite effect. Increased family dysfunction was marginally associated with deceased levels of children's emotional disorder. Girls had larger increases in emotional disorder than boys. While immigrant status made no differences, non-white children had lower levels of emotional disorder than white children. ![]() D. Conduct disorder In Table 25, for conduct disorder, the addition of economic variables increased explained variance by only 1.8% from Model 1 to Model 2. Changes in family structure added even less explained variance, while none of the parental characteristics were significant. According to Model 4, the effect of moving out of poverty was conditioned by absolute income change, a result similar to that found in the models for emotional disorder. As Figure 6 illustrates, only when absolute average income more than doubled did the children in newly non-poor families show similar or lower levels of conduct disorder than children in persistently non-poor families. Both persistent welfare dependence and decreased welfare dependence were associated with lower levels of children's conduct disorder relative to no welfare dependence. New unemployment of parents elevated children's conduct disorder. While family breakdown or formation had no significant effects, living with single parents over a prolonged period elevated children's conduct disorder. There were no significant differences due to immigrant status. Non-white children had marginally higher levels of conduct disorder than white children. Girls had lower levels of conduct disorder than boys. ![]() E. Indirect aggression In Table 26, for indirect aggression, no economic variables had significant effects. While living with a single parent for a prolonged period intensified children's indirect aggression, the change from a two-parent to a single-parent family yielded children's indirect aggression. Lower levels of ineffective parenting and higher levels of consistent parenting at cycle 1 were associated with reduced indirect aggression. Both country of birth and race had no significant effects.
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