Bullying and Victimization Among Canadian School Children - October 1998

1. Introduction

Previous

Contents

Next

Violence and aggression in schools are a problem in many countries around the world (e.g., Australia: Rigby & Slee, 1991; Canada: Pepler, Craig, Zeigler, & Charach, 1993; England: Boulton & Underwood, 1992; Smith & Sharpe, 1994; Scandinavia; Olweus, 1991). One form of aggression that takes place at school is bullying. Bullying is an interaction in which a dominant individual (the bully) repeatedly exhibits aggressive behaviour intended to cause distress to a less dominant individual (the victim) (Olweus, 1991; Smith & Thompson, 1991). In Canada, 15% of children reported bullying others more than twice a term; while 9% of children reported bullying others on a weekly basis (Charach, Pepler, & Ziegler, 1995). Along with the immediate effects of bullying and victimization, this behaviour has long term negative consequences for all those involved; bullies (Farrington, 1993), victims (Olweus, 1987) and the peer group (El-Sheik, Cummings, & Goetch, 1989). Children who are bullies tend to be bullies as adults and have children who are also bullies and children who are victimized tend to have children who are also victimized (Farrington, 1993).

Longitudinal research indicates that childhood bullying is associated with adult antisocial behaviour, such as criminality and limited opportunities to attain socially desired objectives (Farrington, 1993). Victimized children are at risk for a variety of negative outcomes: They are more anxious and insecure (Olweus, 1991); have lower self esteem (Craig, 1998), are lonely, (Boulton & Underwood, 1992), are more likely to be rejected by their peers, and are depressed (Craig, 1998) than non victimized children. There is a stable propensity to be victimized. Olweus (1978) found that adolescent boys who were victimized at age 13 were also victimized at age 16. Peers also suffer from bullying behaviour by feeling group pressure to join in the bullying. Merely observing bullying may lead to distress (e.g., El-Sheik et al., 1989). The prevalence and seriousness of bullying and victimization compels researchers to examine predictors of such behaviour. The knowledge gained can be used to design effective interventions for eliminating or at least curtailing this problem.

The topic of bullying and victimization is a relatively new area of research and the majority of the research is descriptive. As a result, the field is lacking theoretical models of bullying and victimization behaviour. The purpose of this paper is to test a model of bullying and victimization that considers both individual and family factors that may contribute to the development of bullying and victimization behaviours. The model is based on a model of aggressive children's social interactions (cf., Pepler, Craig, & Roberts, 1995) and previous research. In the model, there is a recognition of individual factors (such as disruptive behaviours for the bully and anxious behaviours for the victim) which may interact with family factors to increase the likelihood of a child becoming a bully or a victim. At present the risk factors underlying the development of a predisposition to be bullied or victimized are unclear. Some individual characteristics (such as aggressiveness) may play a direct role, while others may have an indirect influence through family factors. Below, we briefly review the literature on individual and family factors contributing to bullying and victimization.

1.1 Individual Characteristics of Bullies and Victims

In general, researchers have found that bullies can be characterized as aggressive toward their peers, teachers, parents, siblings, and others; hence, their bullying behaviour is stable across contexts (i.e., home and school) (Lane, 1989). Male bullies are more impulsive and physically stronger, have a more positive attitude to violence, and a higher need to dominate others than their peers (Olweus, 1987). Stephenson and Smith (1989) found that bullies are generally active and assertive, easily provoked, and attracted to situations with aggressive content. Bullies have little empathy for their victims and little or no remorse about bullying (Olweus, 1984). This positive attitude to violence and aggressive situations may contribute to the bully's behaviour and the stability of the behaviour over time (Stephenson & Smith, 1989). These behaviours are referred to as externalizing problems. Externalizing problems refer to a range of under controlled behaviours, and include symptoms such as aggression, hyperactivity, disruptive behaviour, and inattention. In contrast to boys, there are limited data on girls who bully and how bullying their bullying may change with age. Thus, in the present study the relationship between externalizing behaviour problems (i.e., hyperactivity, conduct problems, inattention, aggression) and bullying for both boys and girls in different age groups will be examined. It is hypothesized that bullying behaviour will be positively related to externalizing problems for both boys and girls. Because, behaviours become more stable with age, it is predicted that with increasing age, the relationship among externalizing behaviour problems and bullying and victimization will increase.

Although interpersonal aggression involves two participants, an aggressor and a victim, researchers in the past typically have focussed on the aggressor. Consequently, we know very little about the role of the victim during these aggressive interactions and individual differences in children's tendencies to become a victim. Researchers have portrayed the prototypical victim as a weakling or "whipping boy" who acquiesces to the aggressor's demands (Olweus, 1978; 1984; Patterson et al., 1967). In general, the majority of children nominated as victims are passive, anxious, weak, lacking self confidence, unpopular with other children, and have low self esteem (Craig, 1998; Olweus, 1991). Thus, victims typically display behaviours that are described as internalizing problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, social phobias). Internalizing problems refer to a range of over controlled behaviours and internal distress. Symptoms of internalizing disorders may include: high levels of anxiety, depression, somatic complaints, and withdrawal. The present study examines the relationship between internalizing problems and victimization and how this relationship may change with age in boys and girls. It is hypothesized that victimization will be positively related to internalizing problems (i.e., anxiety, depression) and this relationship will be similar for boys and girls.

A third group of children report being both bullies and victims (bully/victims) (five percent of the Canadian sample) (Pepler et al., 1994). Stephenson and Smith (1987) speculate that the hostility directed by these children toward their victims is fuelled by their own experiences of victimization. The validity of the bully/victim category is currently under dispute. Olweus (1978) argued there was no overlap between bullies and victims; however, his research indicated that 1 in 10 bullies were victims and 1 in 18 victims were also bullies (Olweus, 1991). Roland (1989) found that 20% of victims were bullies and that their bullying was directed against children who did not bully them. A summary of the literature indicates that depending on the study, the percentage of self-reported bully/victims ranges from 3% to 66% (Mellor, 1990; O'Moore & Hillery, 1989). Huesmann et al. (in press) found in a longitudinal study that there were very few victimized children who were not aggressive. Huesmann et al. (in press) argue that aggressive victims may inadvertently promote and maintain aggressive behaviour. To the extent that the victim responds with aggressive and antisocial behaviour of his/her own, the acceptability of aggression in the culture is promoted even when the victim is punished. The present study examines the relationship of bullying to victimization in order to clarify the similarities and differences in these behaviours. It is hypothesized that bullying and victimization will be correlated with one another.

1.2 Family Factors Contributing to Bullying and Victimization

These underlying individual characteristics may interact with family conditions that serve to promote bullying and victimization behaviours. In this study, we examined both family demographics (e.g., income and education of the parents) and family socialization variables that may contribute to bullying and victimization. According to Patterson (1982), the effects of these family demographic variables on the development of children's aggressive behaviour are mediated by family socialization practices (i.e., parenting) which break down under stressful family circumstances. Patterson and Dishion (1988) found that stress (i.e., low income, unemployment, lack of education) within the family exacerbated parents' antisocial tendencies, which in turn lead to harsh and inconsistent parental discipline practices. These disciplinary practices may in turn contribute to an increase in children's aggressive behaviour patterns. In summary, family demographics may have an indirect effect on the development of aggression and bullying through family socialization processes. We hypothesize that family demographics will have an indirect effect on bullying and victimization through family socialization practices.

Research on aggressive behaviour has indicated that children's socialization experiences within the family play a major role in the development of aggressive behaviours (Patterson, 1986). Family influences on the development of aggression that have been examined include: family demographics (e.g., socioeconomic status), parenting techniques (e.g., harsh and inconsistent discipline), and parent-child relationships (e.g., number of positive and negative interactions) (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). Patterson and his colleagues have described in detail how the breakdown of parenting practices and family management may provide the breeding grounds for aggressive behaviour problems (Patterson et al., 1992). Their research indicates that family members directly train the child to perform antisocial behaviour by being noncontingent in their use of both positive reinforcers for prosocial behaviour and effective punishment for problematic behaviours. The result of these parenting practices are many daily interactions in the family in which aggressive and coercive behaviours are reinforced and prosocial behaviours not attended to. Some of the reinforcement for the negative behaviours comes from attending, laughing, or approving of the behaviour, while other reinforcement is a result of escape-conditioning contingencies. Escape conditioning contingencies occur when the child uses aggressive or aversive behaviours to terminate an aversive response from another family member. In these interactions, when one family member behaves aversively, others respond in kind, and an aversive exchange ensues and escalates until one family member gives in. Because continuation and escalation of the aversive behaviours successful terminates the other member's aggressive behaviour, each family member is likely to use the aversive behaviour on future occasions. In these interactions, the child learns that negative behaviours are successful and over time tries to control other family members through these coercive means.

In the families of aggressive children there seem to be two processes: Parents of aggressive children support the use of aversive and aggressive behaviours in their children by inadvertently reinforcing aggressive behaviour in their children and by failing to adequately reinforce prosocial behaviour (Patterson, 1982). As a consequence, parents of aggressive children appear to fail in teaching compliance and appropriate social problem solving and instead positively reinforce aggressive and coercive behaviour. Within the family context, aggressive children's are unbalanced in favour of learning antisocial, aggressive behaviours. Extrapolating from this research on aggressive children, we hypothesize that bullying behaviour will be related to hostile and few positive family interactions. Few researchers have examined the contribution of these variables to victimization. Consequently, in this study we explore the relationship between hostile and positive family interactions and victimization.

The families of aggressive children are also characterized by harsh and inconsistent punishment practices. Longitudinal studies have provided evidence supporting the relationship between poor parental disciplinary practices (i.e., erratic or inconsistent or overly harsh and punitive) during childhood and the incidence of delinquency in adolescence (Olweus, 1979). Poor and erratic discipline contributes to the development of aggressive behaviour because parents fail to consistently label, track, and provide consequences for negative behaviour. Consequently, a large number of children's behaviours go unpunished, and some of the behaviours are punished excessively. Furthermore, parents' use of harsh punishment practices may serve to model aggressive and antisocial modes of problem solving and relating to others. Similar family behaviour patterns of may be operating in families of bullies. We hypothesize that harsh and inconsistent punishment practises will be related to bullying behaviour. To date, there is little research on the role of family demographics and socialization practises for victims. The present study considers the role of hostile and positive interactions and punitive practises in contributing to bullying and victimization behaviours for boys and girls, across three age groups.

In summary, individual and family factors may contribute to the development of bullying and victimization. The present study compares the relative contribution of these factors in boys and girls attending school ranging in age from 4 to 11. It is hypothesized that family demographics will be directly related to family functioning and indirectly related to externalizing behaviours and bullying. Externalizing problems will be related to bullying, while internalizing problems will be related to victimization. Finally, these associations will be similar for boys and girls, but with increasing age the associations will be stronger.

Previous

Contents

Next