Understanding the Early Years - Results of the Community Mapping Study for Children in Prince Albert, Saskatchewan - April 2002

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3. The Social Environment in Prince Albert

A child's social interaction with other people can have an important influence on his or her development. The messages they receive about who they are, their value and their role in the neighbourhood help to shape their identity. Children's capacity for successful, positive social interaction begins at a young age. They are influenced by early close relationships, their experiences with other children and the guidance and direct instruction that comes from parents and other family members (Doherty, 1997). These relationships can be complemented by interactions with other people beyond the family such as caregivers, residents of their neighbourhood and the larger community. Some theorists suggest that positive peer and adult role models in the community can influence child development and well-being, particularly in terms of behaviour and learning, while negative environments may deprive children of positive social supports, exposing them to unhealthy or otherwise anti-social behaviours.

This section provides socio-economic and demographic information about the neighbourhoods where children in Prince Albert lived using data from the 1996 Census. A number of characteristics of the residents, such as family status, education, employment and income, and multiculturalism were examined. This analysis helps researchers answer a number of critical questions related to the social environment of children living in Price Albert's various neighbourhoods.

Population Mobility

How many of Prince Albert's neighbourhoods were stable or transient and how many children and families resided in such neighbourhoods?

Why ask this question?

Neighbourhoods with higher levels of stability are those in which community members are more likely to act on behalf of the common good of children. One way to measure neighbourhood stability is by measuring the proportion of individuals who made a residential move in the last year. High rates of residential mobility and transiency in neighbourhoods often correspond to social disruption and weakened social ties, which in turn can create a climate more conducive to crime and other types of anti-social behaviour. Conversely, high rates of neighbourhood stability promote the development of social ties, a prerequisite to neighbourhood cohesion and collective efficacy. The terms "neighbourhood cohesion" and "collective efficacy" were defined by Sampson, Raudenbush, & Earls (1997) as "social cohesion among neighbours combined with their willingness to intervene on behalf of the common good". In other words, in neighbourhoods where residents are isolated or estranged from each other, social ties tend to be weak and a sense of common interest is even weaker. On the other hand, stability within a community not only enables those living within neighbourhoods to draw strength and support from one another, but it also enables them to take action as a community.

Population mobility creates pressure for the family and the neighbourhood. Family relocation creates stress for family members, and this stress is compounded with frequent moves. For example, with each move families have to find their place in the new community and find out about the services and recreational opportunities available to them.

Some theorists suggest that positive peer and adult role models in the community can influence child development and well-being, particularly in terms of behaviour and learning, while negative environments may deprive children of positive social supports, while exposing them to unhealthy or otherwise anti-social behaviours.

Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Jencks & Mayer, 1990.

Map 5a and b: Which areas had the highest mobility?

• Several Enumeration Areas had a very high number of people who moved within the last year. These areas were in both the most affluent neighbourhoods and the neighbourhoods with the greatest socio-economic challenges.
• Rural area data indicated a population less likely to be mobile.

In general, Prince Albert could be characterized as a community with a large degree of mobility both within its community and to and from its community. New housing development likely accounted for a large number of the moves within the East End, Crescent Acres and West Hill neighbourhoods of the city. Movement within the Midtown, West Flat, Parkland and East Hill areas were likely related to the high number of rental properties and community housing units available in those neighbourhoods (Refer to Map 14 ). It is noteworthy that Prince Albert had the highest proportion of rental properties in Saskatchewan.

Since the 1996 census data does not reveal why a population is mobile, communities need to look for reasons why there is high mobility in certain areas. Perhaps a concomitant look at Map 9c (examining areas where the average family income is below the national average) would illuminate this discussion. In many of the areas with high mobility rates, there are also many households where average family incomes were below the national average.

While annual mobility rates enable decision-makers to discern the shift in population in a community, mobility rates over a five-year period (to be measured by the UEY Project) will help to reveal patterns of population movement.

Education and Employment

How educated were people in the community and how many residents were employed?

Why ask this question?

Education levels of residents are considered a crucial part of the socio-economic environment of communities where children grow and develop. Adults in the community with high levels of education are more likely to be employed, less likely to live in poverty and more likely to serve as positive role models and mentors to their own children and children in the community. Conversely, those with lower education levels may face diminished employment prospects, and are more likely to live in poverty.

Problems in neighbourhoods with high unemployment rates may be compounded by higher poverty and lack of available resources. These neighbourhood characteristics can negatively impact a child's environment and overall well-being. For example, research has shown that neighbourhoods with high levels of unemployment can impact negatively on children's behaviour (Kohen, Hertzman, Brooks-Gunn, 1998). It should be no surprise, then, that the educational level of parents has been shown to be related to the developmental outcomes of their children.

Several other studies have found relationships between the general socio-economic climate of neighbourhoods (of which levels of education and employment are important components) and the development of the children who live in them. Such studies have shown that neighbourhoods with residents of higher average socio-economic status were associated with more positive developmental outcomes (Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, &Sealand, 1993; Chase Lansdale, Gordon, Brooks-Gunn &Klebanov, 1997; Halpern-Felsher et al, 1997).

Education data for Prince Albert and a large area outside of the city was compiled by Stabler and Olfert.

Table 4 compares levels of education in the Prince Albert area with the Province of Saskatchewan as a whole. A quick glace at these data show that 44% of the adult population in the Prince Albert area had some form of post-secondary education, slightly below the provincial level of 46%.

The data also show that 26% of the adult population had not achieved a high school diploma. Although above the provincial average of 24%, high school dropout rates in Prince Albert area were significantly lower than the national average of 37%.

Map 6a and b: Which areas had the highest proportion of people with a post-secondary education?

• In Prince Albert, the areas with the highest family income typically had the highest number of people with post-secondary education (please see Map 9a ). This was particularly evident in the Crescent Heights, Carlton Park, Crescent Acres and West Hill neighbourhoods.
• The Stabler Report commented favourably on the labour force in the Prince Albert region. The data from both the City of Prince Albert and rural areas showed a large percentage of the population with some type of post-secondary education. Although about 30% have less than Grade 12 certification.
• Rural areas of the study area showed a more homogeneous level of post-secondary education.

Map 7a and b: Which areas had the highest proportion of people without a high school diploma?

• The proportion of people without a high school diploma in Prince Albert and area was 26%, much better than the national average of 37%.
• Map 7a illustrates that the Prince Albert neighbourhoods of West Flat and Parkland had a proportion of people without a high school diploma above the provincial and national averages.
• Map 2 shows that this area of the city (West Flat and Parkland neighbourhoods) also contained a high number of children aged 0 to 5 years. As mentioned earlier, the education of parents has been shown to be related to the development of their children, and neighbourhoods with residents of higher average socio-economic status are associated with more positive developmental outcomes.

Employment data for Prince Albert paints a contrasting picture. On the one hand, Stabler and Olfert (1998) noted a 7.5% increase in the labour force for the Prince Albert region for the period 1991 to 1996. They concluded that this "represents a significant increase especially in light of the small absolute decline in the labour force at the provincial level". On the other hand, Stabler and Olfert reported "the number of fully employable SWIN (social assistance) clients (2,125 people) represents a relatively high 4.7% of the region's potential labour force (aged 15 to 64 years old). In addition, the 1, 541 EI (Employment Insurance) recipients represents 3.4 % of the region's potential labour force." Therefore, it would appear that the Prince Albert area has a growing labour market, while at the same time, has a high number of people who are employable but not part of the labour force.

Map 8: What were the unemployment rates of the neighbourhoods?

• In the City of Prince Albert, unemployment data were not available for a number of Enumeration Areas. However, the data did indicate significant unemployment rates for the West Flat, Parkland and Midtown neighbourhoods.
• In rural areas there were a significant number of Enumeration Areas without employment data. Therefore, a rural map was not prepared.

Examination of Map 8 suggests that there were several areas within Prince Albert where almost every second person in the Enumeration Area was unemployed. There were a number of high need areas where these data were suppressed, so the need is likely even greater than the map suggests. Although there was an increasing number of employment opportunities available in Prince Albert and area, there remained a large number of adults who could not or did not avail themselves of these opportunities.

Household Incomes

What were the income levels of Prince Albert residents?

Why ask this question?

Adequate household income is essential to purchase goods and services, to access resources (through transportation, for example) and to benefit from cultural resources such as books and theatres. Neighbourhoods where a high number of residents live in poverty can pose challenges to families and children, service providers and policy makers. Such areas may lack resources, and residents can be deprived of interaction with mainstream social networks and role models through the process of isolation and segregation. These neighbourhoods may also experience overcrowding, lower levels of safety, a less desirable physical environment, and a scarcity of resources.

Map 9a (Urban) and 9b (Rural): What was the average family income?

Map 9c (Urban): What areas were above and below the national average family income?

• The average family income in Prince Albert was $46,309, which was slightly above the national average of $45,739. Of the 48 Enumeration Areas in the City of Prince Albert:
• Forty-six percent (22 EAs) were below the national average family income;
• Thirty-five percent (17 EAs) were above the national average; and
• Data were not available for 19% of the Enumeration Areas.
• Map 9c indicates the Enumeration Areas that were either above or below the national average of family income. The neighbourhoods of West Flat, Parkland, Midtown, East End and East Hill had a significant number of families whose income was below the national average. When one juxtaposes the data from Map 2, these neighbourhoods also had a high density of children aged 0 to 5 years.
• Since data were not available for so many of the Enumeration Areas in rural sections of the school division, conclusions about income in rural areas are not possible.

Family Structure

What was the family structure of the neighbourhoods?

Why ask this question?

While most children from lone parent households do well, research has shown that a higher proportion of children with cognitive and behavioural problems come from such families (Lipman, Boyle, Dooley, &Offord, 1998; Ross, Roberts, &Scott, 1998). In addition, a high incidence of two-parent families living in a neighbourhood has been linked to healthier child and adolescent development (Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, &Sealand, 1993).

Map 10a and b: Which areas had the highest number of families headed by a lone parent?

• Lone parent families were in much larger numbers in neighbourhoods that were experiencing the greatest socio-economic challenges - the West Flat, Parkland, Midtown, East End and East Hill neighbourhoods. This information correlates with Map 9, which shows what neighbourhoods were either above or below the national average family income.

Although lone parents accounted for about one in five family units in Prince Albert and area, the picture is radically different when comparing rural and urban portions of the study area. In the urban area, 32.7% of families (or about one in three families) were headed by a lone parent. Of this number, 3.9% were lone male parents and 28.8% were lone female parents. Rural areas present a stark contrast, with only 14.4% of households headed by a lone parent (Refer to Tables 2 and 3 for more details).

When the data describing population mobility are compared to data describing family structure, many areas of the city with a high rate of mobility were also areas with large numbers of lone parents. This suggests that the neighbourhoods where many lone parents reside were fluctuating considerably and, therefore, were not likely able to provide the kind of stable support system needed by many lone parent families.

When compared to other areas of Saskatchewan, excluding the far North, Prince Albert had the highest rate of teenage pregnancy. About one in ten parents in Prince Albert were very young , choosing to keep and raise their children by themselves. Since these teenage parents are so young, they are typically not highly educated, frequently unemployed, frequently receive some form of social assistance, and are often mobile.

Infant Mortality

What was the infant mortality rate in Prince Albert?

Why ask this question?

Saskatchewan Health reports that the "infant mortality rate (IMR) is a universal indicator of population health status. It is widely regarded as the best single measure of general societal health and well-being. A high IMR in a population can be a reflection of deficiencies of physical and socio-economic factors such as nutrition, level of income, level of education, or access to health care.

Infant Mortality Rates are calculated on a yearly basis, and are expressed as "infant deaths per 1000 live births."

Source: Saskatchewan Health, 2000

• The infant mortality rate in Prince Albert was almost double the Canadian average and a third higher than the provincial average. Table 5 illustrates this comparison.

Putting it all together: Creating a Social Index

A Social Index was developed to help provide both a general picture of neighbourhoods within the broader community and the number of potential challenges they faced.

Nine variables were selected for their usefulness in describing the socio-economic context of communities, encompassing measures in the areas of education, employment, income level and multiculturalism. Each variable was compared with the national average, which provided a threshold for evaluating the neighbourhoods. This method enables us to make comparisons within a community, among communities, and at the same time, to compare a particular community to the country as a whole. Four categories were then established:

• Low risk (one or two challenges);
• Somewhat low risk (three or four challenges);
• Somewhat high risk (five or six challenges); and
• High risk (seven or more challenges).

The following is a listing of the nine variables that together make up the Social Index:

1. Unemployment rate;
2. Individual poverty rate;
3. Proportion of individuals 15 years and over without a high school diploma;
4. Proportion of families with children headed by a lone parent;
5. Proportion of the population speaking neither official language;
6. Proportion of the population that immigrated to Canada since 1991;
7. Mobility in one year;
8. Home ownership; and
9. Proportion of the total income in the EA coming from government transfer payments (i.e. Canadian Pension Plan, Canadian Child Tax Benefit, provincial social assistance payments).

Maps 11a, b and c: What did the Social Index tell us about the communities in and around Prince Albert?

• Of the nine variables that make up the Social Index, only seven were relevant to Prince Albert and area. Since the proportion of the population speaking neither official language and the proportion of the population that immigrated to Canada since 1991 was so low in and around Prince Albert, these two variables were not relevant to our local area. However, if we considered the number of families who move from the far North to Prince Albert and good control of the Standard English Dialect, these two variables would rate high in Prince Albert.
• Due to the sparse population of many rural Enumeration Areas, much of the Social Index data were not available. Therefore, the Social Index tells us little about rural sections of the study area.
• In urban neighbourhoods, the Social Index illustrates the high-risk characteristics of the West Flat, Parkland, Midtown and East Hill neighbourhoods of Prince Albert. (Please refer to the Map 15 series later in this report).

Map 11b shows where children lived in relation to the Social Index. An especially large number of children living in high-risk social conditions resided in the West Flat and Parkland neighbourhoods.

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