Violence in Aboriginal Communities
Emma D. LaRocque *
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the source.
Copies available from:
National Clearinghouse on Family Violence
Family Violence Prevention Unit
Health Programs and Services Branch
Health Canada
Ottawa, Ontario
Canada K1A 1B4
Tel.: 1-800-267-1291
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Deaf) line: 1-800-561-5643 |
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Findings and opinions expressed in this document are those of the
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Cat. H72-21/100-1994-E
ISBN 0-662-21483-8
INTRODUCTION
The issue of domestic violence in First Nations
and Métis communities is one that demands urgent study and
action. There is every indication that violence has escalated dramatically.
For example, studies show that among Indians "the single most important
group of health problems in terms of both mortality and morbidity
is accidents and violence".1 The goal of this paper is
not to comment on family violence generally, though it does require
further comment. This paper will focus on family violence as it
affects Aboriginal women, teenagers and children. And since much
family violence involves sexual assault, special attention is given
to sexual violence within the Aboriginal community.
While domestic or family violence clearly affects all members within
a family, the most obvious victims are women and children. A 1989
study by the Ontario Native Women's Association reported that 8
out of 10 Aboriginal women were abused. While this study focused
on northern Ontario, it is statistically representative of other
communities across the country. There is growing documentation that
Aboriginal female adults, adolescents and children are experiencing
abuse, battering and/or sexual assault to a staggering degree. A
1987 report by the Child Protection Centre of Winnipeg stated that
there is "an apparent epidemic of child sexual abuse on reserves".
And just recently, it was reported by the press that on one reserve
in Manitoba, 30 adults were charged with having sexually abused
50 persons, many of them children.
* Professor, Department of Native Studies, University
of Manitoba.
Since it is considerably more difficult to get precise statistics
on Métis people, it is virtually impossible to say with any
exactness the extent of sexual violence in Métis families
or communities. However, as more victims are beginning to report,
there is every indication that violence, including sexual violence,
is just as problematic, just as extensive as on reserves. In November
1992, the Women of the Metis Nation of Alberta organized an historic
conference near Edmonton dealing specifically with sexual violence
against Métis women. The interest shown by Métis women
from across Canada was overwhelming. The stories shared by the 150
or so conference participants indicated that Métis women,
no less than Indian women from reserves, have been suffering enormously
- and silently - from violence, including rape and child sexual
abuse.
In accordance with the request by the Royal Commission, this paper
will address the following: (1) women's perspectives on factors
that generate and perpetuate domestic violence and (2) strategies
proposed to reduce and eliminate violence. Barriers to implementing
these strategies are implied within this discussion.
I understand that the Royal Commission wants policy recommendations
more than an extensive analysis of violence. However, I believe
it is of value to take some time to think about the possible reasons
for violence against women. Not only is analysis an inherently indispensable
tool in working toward proposed solutions, but it is also part of
the educational process we all need in order to address this horrific
issue with comprehension and compassion.
Naturally, this paper cannot and does not propose to look at all
possible reasons for family or sexual violence. There are a number
of works that provide useful but fairly standard views on sexual
violence, especially in regard to treatment and to 'offenders'.2
I wish to provide additional perspectives, some of which may
disagree with commonly held beliefs about the nature of sexual violence
and the reaction to 'offenders'.
Colonization
Colonization refers to that process of encroachment and subsequent
subjugation of Aboriginal peoples since the arrival of Europeans.
From the Aboriginal perspective, it refers to loss of lands, resources,
and self-direction and to the severe disturbance of cultural ways
and values. Colonization has taken its toll on all Aboriginal
peoples, but it has taken perhaps its greatest toll on women. Prior
to colonization, Aboriginal women enjoyed comparative honour, equality
and even political power in a way European women did not at the
same time in history. We can trace the diminishing status of Aboriginal
women with the progression of colonialism. Many, if not the majority,
of Aboriginal cultures were originally matriarchal or semi-matriarchal.
European patriarchy was initially imposed upon Aboriginal societies
in Canada through the fur trade, missionary Christianity and government
policies. Because of white intrusion, the matriarchal character
of Aboriginal spiritual, economic, kinship, and political institutions
was drastically altered.
Racism, Sexism, and the Problem of Internalization
Colonization and racism go hand in hand. Racism has provided justification
for the subjugation of Aboriginal peoples. While all Aboriginal
people are subjected to racism, women further suffer from sexism.
Racism breeds hatred of Aboriginal peoples; sexism breeds hatred
of women. For Aboriginal women, racism and sexism constitute a package
experience. We cannot speak of sexual violence without at once addressing
the effects of racism/sexism. Sexual violence is related to racism
in that racism sets up or strengthens a situation where Aboriginal
women are viewed and treated as sex objects. The objectification
of women perpetuates sexual violence. Aboriginal women have been
objectified not only as women but also as Indian women. The term
used to indicate this double objectification was and is 'squaw'.
A complex of white North American cultural myths, as expressed
in literature and popular culture, has perpetuated racist/sexist
stereotypes about Aboriginal women. A direct relationship between
racist/sexist stereotypes and violence can be seen, for example,
in the dehumanizing portrayal of Aboriginal women as 'squaws', which
renders all Aboriginal female persons vulnerable to physical, verbal
and sexual violence.
One of the many consequences of racism is that, over time, racial
stereotypes and societal rejection may be internalized by the colonized
group. The internalization process is one of the most problematic
legacies of long-term colonization. It is not well understood, but
it is certainly indicated by various oppressed or minority groups
in North America. Many Black, Chicano and Aboriginal writers have
pointed to this problem. Understanding the complex workings of the
internalization process may be the key to the beginnings of understanding
the behaviour of the oppressed and the oppressive in our communities.
In his book Prison of Grass (1975), Howard Adams referred
to the problem of "internalization". By this he meant that as a
result of disintegrative processes inherent in colonization, Aboriginal
peoples have subconsciously judged themselves against the standards
of white society, often adopting what he called the White Ideal.
Part of this process entails 'internalizing' or believing - swallowing
the standards, judgements, expectations and portrayals of the dominant
white world. Many other Aboriginal writers have pointed to the causes
and consequences of having struggled with externally imposed images
about themselves and the policies that resulted from them. The result
was/is often shame and rejection not only of the self but also of
the similar other, i.e., other Aboriginal people.
A lot has changed within the Aboriginal community since Adams wrote
Prison of Grass. A lot more Aboriginal people are
aware of the whys and wherefores of their position in Canadian society.
As more Aboriginal people grow in political awareness, they are
less prone to judge themselves or act by outside standards. However,
the damage has been extensive, and the problem of internalization
does still exist. It is still of value to study how Aboriginal internalization
of racist/sexist stereotypes may be at work in the area of violence.
One of the central questions we need to address is this: we know
there has been violence by white men against Aboriginal women, but
what do we make of the violence by Aboriginal men against Aboriginal
women and children?
Too often the standard answer or reason given is that Aboriginal
'offenders' were themselves abused and/or victims of society. There
is no question that this answer may be partly true for some of the
abusers, especially the young. However, it is hardly a complete
answer and certainly should not be treated as the only or final
answer to this problem.
There are indications of violence against women in Aboriginal societies
prior to European contact. Many early European observations as well
as original Indian legends (e.g., Wehsehkehcha stories) point to
the pre-existence of male violence against women. It should not
be assumed that matriarchies necessarily prevented men from exhibiting
oppressive behaviour toward women. There were individuals who acted
against the best ideals of their cultures. Even today, all the emphasis
on Mother Earth has not translated into full equality and safety
of women.
There is little question, however, that European invasion exacerbated
whatever the extent, nature or potential violence there was in original
cultures. Neither is there much question that Aboriginal men have
internalized white male devaluation of women. As one scholar observes:
Deprived of their ancestral roles ... men began
to move into areas that had previously been the province of women,
adopting some of the white attitudes toward women and treating them
as inferiors rather than equals.3
How might this internalization work with respect
to violence -generally and sexual violence specifically? Consider
this: what happens to Aboriginal males who are exposed not only to
pornography but also to the racist/sexist views of the 'Indian' male
as a violent 'savage' and the Aboriginal female as a debased, sexually
loose 'squaw'?
Pornography in popular culture is affecting sexual attitudes and
behaviour within Aboriginal communities. And given the lengthy and
unrestricted mass media projection and objectification of 'Indians'
as violence-crazed savages, the problem of internalization should
come as no surprise.
But it is disturbing. Aboriginal internalization of racist/macho
views of Aboriginal men and women has contributed to violence generally
and to sexual abuse specifically.
Defence of Offenders Perpetuates Violence
It is difficult to say whether there is more sexual violence in
Aboriginal communities than in white ones, for we know that sexual
assault is also prevalent in white homes and neighbourhoods. But
I don't think we should defend either community in this regard.
Rather, we should expend our energies in showing categorical disapproval
appropriate to the crime and seeking solutions to what is an intolerable
situation.
I have been troubled by a number of things relevant to the discussion
on sexual violence. It is distressing to observe apathy by both
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations concerning sexual violence.
The Aboriginal leadership, in particular, must be called on to address
this issue. Nor should the general public or governments walk away.
The onus for change cannot rest solely on Aboriginal shoulders.
White people in positions of power must share the burdens of finding
answers, as they have been part of the problems.
I have also been concerned about the popularity of offering 'cultural
differences' as an explanation for sexual violence. When the horrifying
story of the Lac Brochet teenager came out in the late 1980s, I
was stunned by comments and attempted explanations around me. The
numerous males who had attacked this 14-year-old girl (who had been
repatriated against her will in the name of 'culture' to begin with)
were being defended with tortured and distorted notions of Aboriginal
culture.
Erroneous cultural explanations have created enormous confusion
in many people and on many issues. Besides the problem of typecasting
Aboriginal cultures into a static list of 'traits', 500 years of
colonial history are being whitewashed into mere 'cultural differences'.
Social conditions arising from societal negligence and policies
have been explained away as 'cultural'. Problems having to do with
racism and sexism have been blamed on Aboriginal culture. When cultural
justifications are used on behalf of the sexually violent, we are
seeing a gross distortion of the notion of 'culture and of Aboriginal
peoples. Men assault; cultures do not. Rape and violence against
women were met with quick justice in original cultures. And if there
is any culture that condones the oppression of women, it should
be confronted to change. But sexual violence should never be associated
with Aboriginal culture! It is an insult to healthy, functioning
Aboriginal cultures to suggest so! Would one entertain using 'racial
differences' as an explanation for sexual assaults? Is it any less
racist to resort to 'cultural' ones?
As long as offenders are defended in the name of culture, they
will continue to avoid taking any personal responsibility for their
actions. And this will only perpetuate the problem.
Equally troubling in the defence of offenders is popular advancement
of the notion that men rape or assault because they were abused
or are victims of society themselves. The implication is that as
'victims', rapists and child molesters are not responsible for their
actions and that therefore they should not be punished - or, if
punished, 'rehabilitation' and their 'victimization' must take precedence
over any consideration of the suffering or devastation they wreak
on the real victims! Political oppression does not preclude the
mandate to live with personal and moral responsibility within human
communities. And if individuals are not capable of personal responsibility
and moral choices (the things that make us human), then they are
not fit for normal societal engagement and should be treated
accordingly.
Obstacles Facing Real Victims
And what do victims of sexual assault face within Aboriginal and
mainstream communities? The following is a brief but realistic scenario.
Aboriginal victims face obstacles that come with all small communities.
There is a lack of privacy. Fear of further humiliation through
community gossip and fear of ostracism and intimidation from supporters
of the perpetrator may all be at work. Often a Victim is confronted
with disbelief, anger, and family denial or betrayal. Secrecy is
expected and enforced. There is, in effect, censorship against those
who would report sexual assault or even other forms of violence.
But if a victim does proceed with reporting, who will want to hear?
And if she goes out of the community, she faces racism/sexism in
the form of judgement, indifference or disbelief. Many non-Aboriginals
in positions of social service or power either have little knowledge
of what circumstances confront the victim, or they do not take complainants
seriously. The stereotype that Aboriginal women are sexually promiscuous
is still quite prevalent. Also, in many communities women cannot
trust policemen since some policemen, especially in previous
generations, were also doing the attacking! This is not to mention
that the entire process of reporting is itself a formidable challenge.
If the victim goes as far as the courts, a whole new set of problems
emerges. It is well-known that even for white middle-class women,
rape trials are torturous, with no guarantee of justice at the end
of it all. If only 10 per cent of white women report sexual assault,
then considerably less than 10 per cent of Aboriginal victims report.
And of course, the conviction rate is dismal.
The other problem, a problem I believe perpetuates sexual violence,
is the fact that the courts are wantonly lenient with regard to
sentencing. As a rule, thieves and minor drug dealers receive way
stiffer penalties than do child molesters, rapists or even rapist-murderers!
This in itself is a chilling message regarding societal devaluation
of human dignity. Many Aboriginal communities have expressed concern
that courts are especially lenient with Aboriginal offenders who
assault other Aboriginal people. The easy parole system, along with
lenient sentencing, further sets up Aboriginal victims.
If the victim succeeds in sending her assailant to prison, she
may expect quick retaliation. Sexual offenders may come out of prison
within three weeks, perhaps six months. These men usually go straight
back to their small settlements and proceed to wreak further violence
and intimidation.
When all is said and done, what of the victim? Where is
the help for her? Where is the concern for her rehabilitation?
The whole judicial process reflects privileged, white male definitions
and experience. It also reflects tremendous naïveté
- naïveté often found in white liberal social workers,
criminologists and justices. These lenient sentences are consistent
with the growing heroification of rapists and child molesters as
'Victims'. Today there is persistent sympathy for sexual offenders
with little, of any, corresponding concern for the real victims.
It is a bizarre situation!
Questions About the Causes of Sexual Violence
Given the popularity of presenting rapists as victims, and given
that such a notion has not in any way resolved the problem - and
in fact may be perpetuating sexual violence - is it not time for
new and hard questions here? While it is sociologically apparent
that poverty and marginalization can play havoc in a community,
it is difficult to accept without question that being a so-called
victim causes one to be a victimizer. If that were true, millions
of women would take to victimizing. Further, if poor social
conditions necessarily breed 'offenders', this raises more questions
than it answers. Why, when the chips are down, do men turn on women
and children? What are we saying here about the nature of man? What
are we saying of Aboriginal men - that when conditions of oppression,
poverty or abuse exist, they cannot think of anything else but
to turn on innocent women and children? And this should then be
met with sympathy? And what about the other statistics - what about
all the poor men and abused men who do not turn to violence?
Sexual violence is global and universal. Men of all backgrounds,
cultures, classes and economic status assault women. Indeed, history
is replete with examples of rich, powerful and privileged men who
abused women and children. This suggests that the origin of sexual
violence is considerably more disturbing than we might like to admit.
Maybe it is not as mysterious as we make it out to be.
Most adults who violate others do so from a place of awareness
and choice. As one article on child sexual abuse, written by a group
of concerned Aboriginal women, states: "Offenders are aware of what
they are doing and they know it is wrong."' I believe sexual violence
is best explained by sexism and misogyny, which are nurtured in
our society. North American popular culture feeds off the objectification
and degradation of women. Women are presented as sexual playthings
who must conform to male needs. Stereotypes of female sexuality
are concocted as a rationalization for violence. It is about male
maintenance of power, but it is a conscious and deliberate form
of power, not one that is necessarily caused by 'abuse' or other
traumas. Obviously power brings all sorts of advantages. It has
been in the interests of men to keep women down. Society supports
all this with its tolerance of violence against women. The criminal
justice system reflects its bias through its laws and judgements.
Rape in any culture and by any standards is warfare against women.
And the degree to which any community tolerates sexual violence
is an indication of concurrence in this warfare against women.
The point is, we may never know for certain what exactly causes
sexual violence. But whether we know or not, we should never use
any 'explanation' - be it psychological, personal or political -
as absolution for the offender. We should never justify or tolerate
sexual violence. The criminal justice system must do its duty and
serve 'justice' not only because justice is essential to a victim's
healing, but also because a message must be given that sexual violence
is insupportable. Justice and concern for rehabilitation must not
be seen as mutually exclusive.
The other point, and perhaps more to the point, is why all this
concern with finding reasons or explanations for what causes men
to be rapists and child molesters? Given that we may never know,
should we not turn our attention to the real victims?
Recommendations
Strategies to reduce and eliminate violence would, of course, include
addressing the issues that contribute to violence. Perhaps we can
approach the strategies under three headings: prevention, services
for victims and judicial action with respect to offenders.
Toward Prevention
I believe a preventive approach is necessary. How can we ever stem
the tide of all this violence? It surely will not happen overnight.
Meanwhile, we have young people to attend to. If we can reach the
Aboriginal youth, we may see some light on a number of fronts. The
first set of recommendations concerns young people.
Obviously, a multi-faceted, comprehensive approach is required.
Socio-economic revitalization is a must. Human beings need to have
meaning in their lives; one of the avenues for meaning lies in economic
bases/activities. This issue of economy is crucial to young people
who are currently caught within a socio-cultural vacuum. They are
looking for vocational opportunities in a world that has stolen
their land-based ways, yet has not prepared them for urbanization/industrialization.
The miseducation of Aboriginal youth must be addressed. One of
the enduring legacies of colonization is the mistreatment of Aboriginal
history and issues in schools. Schools must stop presenting Aboriginal
history, cultures, peoples and issues in biased, ethnocentric or
racist ways. Along with correcting the social studies aspect of
the curriculum, schools must make every effort to stop alienating
Aboriginal youth by providing skills and knowledge relevant to both
cultures. Also, understanding and attitudes toward Aboriginal culture
itself must change. Aboriginal cultures should not be presented
only in terms of the past (often stereotyped at that). Young people
often feel paralyzed: how can they move toward the future if their
culture is defined in terms of the past? Young people need help
in clarifying what is heritage and what is culture. They also need
to be reassured that it is within Aboriginal cultural definitions
to change and to make bridges from the past to the future. Aboriginal
young people should not have to feel that in order to be loyal to
their personal identities they have to sacrifice vocational choices
of the future.
Another large problem in many Aboriginal communities is that of
boredom. Boredom is a problem that has not received the attention
it should. Boredom is often the cause of a lot of difficulties young
people get into, including drugs, alcohol, sexual experimentation,
mob behaviour, violence and suicide. Community leaders must make
every effort to provide qualitative recreation for young people.
Funding and resources must be made available for the development
of recreation facilities, sports programs and other projects. I
have often wondered, what is everybody waiting for? Why haven't
there been massive efforts to provide recreation facilities for
youth in Aboriginal communities? There is so much untapped potential
for excellence in our youth. Every time I watch any national or
international sports event, I think of all the Aboriginal youths
who could be participating. Is it not time to move in that direction?
With respect to sex and violence, education and sexual enlightenment
may be our best hope for our future. One of the biggest problems
in Aboriginal homes and communities is lack of qualitative sex education.
As a rule, parents and other adults are not providing sex education
to their young. Children and adolescents are left to their own devices
and to the influence of popular culture, misguided peers or even
abusers to learn about sex. In this sense, sexual problems are recycled.
Aboriginal children and teenagers are desperately in need of solid
sex education. Schools (preferably in co-operation with community
initiatives and programs) should step in by providing qualitative
sex education to children and teenagers.
Such education must include not only the physiological aspects
of sex and sexuality but must also promote respect for persons.
There must be special emphasis on respect for female persons, respect
for each other's sexuality and self-respect. There must also be
education about safe sex, birth control, pregnancy, reproductive
choice and sexual responsibility. Schools must also provide education
on drugs, alcohol, smoking, glue-sniffing, etc.
A special word needs to be said about Aboriginal teenage girls.
Little has been documented thus far, but many of the stories of
sexual abuse reveal that Aboriginal women were often attacked as
teenagers. Teenage girls with little or no sex education in an environment
conducive to alcohol abuse and violence are particularly vulnerable
to adult male sexual seductions/attacks. Rape can devastate teenagers.
There is growing documentation that following sexual assault, teenagers
turn to substance abuse, prostitution, self-mutilation and/or suicide.
This is not to mention that they can get pregnant and/or contract
sexually transmitted diseases. The suicide rate is five times the
national average in the 15 to 24 age group among Aboriginal youth.
One book analyzing the death of an Ojibwa community in northwestern
Ontario links female suicide with sexual assaults.5
Teenagers are perhaps among the most susceptible to sexual assault.
They are sexually sensitive yet immature; they are often unmindful
of what adults are capable of doing to them. This is another reason
why silence must end. Often, adults who know who the offenders are
keep such information away from others. If there could be disclosure,
exposure and open discussion between victims and other youth, it
would help protect the unsuspecting. Adults such as parents, grandparents,
teachers, ministers, counsellors and so forth must take special
care to protect, educate and prepare teenagers about sex and sexual
violence. And if violence takes place, there must be emotional,
psychological, medical and legal support services in place. All
Aboriginal youth should also have access to counselling services.
They also need safe houses for those times when their homes or communities
do not feel safe. Some youth may be in need of psychological or
psychiatric services - these too should be made accessible to them.
There should also be some attention to young people's spiritual
needs. Aboriginal young men and women have dreams and hopes for
their futures and their well-being. Every effort must be made by
all parties concerned to protect these young people and to facilitate
their aspirations. I think Aboriginal communities could organize
conferences, guest speakers, and seminars that could address their
needs as well as present role models.
If young people enjoy their daily existence, and if they can have
dreams that are attainable, I do believe their daily activities
would change substantially. I do believe they would respond to a
creative environment and move away from destructive influences and
destructive behaviours. If we wish to eliminate violence, we have
to substitute constructive, creative and meaningful alternatives
to it. Our children deserve nothing less.
Better Responses for Victims
The silent suffering of girls and women who have been subjected
to rape and other assaults demands immediate attention. Silence
must end. Support systems must be created. Aboriginal victims of
violence need safe houses, rape crisis centres, counselling services
and clinics. They need family and institutional support. They need
therapists who are skilled in dealing with post-traumatic stress
syndrome. They need a society that cares about them and that values
their safety, their dignity and their rehabilitation. Laws must
be changed and enforced. The whole judicial process of dealing with
complaints of violence must be changed.6
It cannot be emphasized enough how very desperately long-term qualitative
counselling/therapy and community programs are needed. Long-term
therapy programs are required. Rape and early childhood abuse cause
lifetime devastation. As concerned Aboriginal women put it, "...sexual
abuse is a reality and a hell that must no longer be ignored....
We have felt the pain and anger ... for damaging a child's life
forever."7 An indication that Aboriginal women are suffering
from post-traumatic stress syndrome can be seen in the level of
female violence, alcoholism and extent of incarceration.
Studies show that rural Aboriginal women move to urban centres
to escape family or community problems. Most Aboriginal communities
are small, making the situation that much more difficult for victims.
Apathy and lack of leadership or family support effectively chase
victims from their own communities. This should not have to happen.
No one should ever have to leave home in order to feel safe!
The Aboriginal leadership at the federal, provincial and regional
levels must take a strong stand against violence, and certainly
against sexual violence. The message and modelling must be clear
and firm that sexual violence against women, teenagers and children
is inexcusable, intolerable and insupportable. In effect, the Aboriginal
leadership must take the initiative in raising the consciousness
of communities about the destructiveness inherent in violence. Violence
must be raised as the social problem it is, a problem requiring
urgent attention. Forums for discussion, education, and information
must be set up to facilitate awareness and social concern. Every
effort must be made by the leadership to prevent abuse and to help
those who have been abused.
All Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal agencies involved with Aboriginal
family problems, i.e., hospitals, police, lawyers, judges, social
workers, therapists, child care organizations, etc., should be required
to attend workshops and/or conferences geared to addressing the
issue of sexual violence. Again, the Aboriginal leadership must
initiate such forums; the government must provide the resources.
Aboriginal women must be free to address unwieldy and unpopular
issues such as violence, equality, patriarchy, political leadership,
etc. They also must receive support to create forums through which
they can gather to discuss issues of mutual concern. But there must
be recognition of issues/concerns that pertain to Indian women and
those that pertain to Métis women. To these ends, Aboriginal
women need their own organizations and must be funded separately
from the larger, umbrella organizations.
As discussed earlier, a large portion of the root of our problems
lies with our colonization. Again, Aboriginal leaders and educators
must make every effort to facilitate forums for discussion on the
legacies of colonization in our lives, in our homes and communities.
Perhaps Paulo Friere's ideas on the 'pedagogy of the oppressed'
could be adopted. Raising the consciousness of the Aboriginal grassroots
is one of the important tasks in moving toward wholeness and can
be seen as service' to victims of violence. People need to understand
the disintegrative processes of colonization; they need to know
the consequences of having been defined outside of themselves, of
being powerless. Aboriginal people need to understand the institutional
forces of invasion in their worlds and what that has done to their
lands and economies, their relationships, their cultural values
and symbols, their self-determination and self-confidence. They
also need to believe that restoration is possible. They need to
believe that they can act to make changes and that by acting on
issues they are empowering themselves. People may best be able to
make changes once they can articulate the places of invasion in
their lives and in their histories.
We may need years to help Aboriginal peoples understand and resolve
the violence; meanwhile, we must deal with the everyday realities
of it. Even if we agree about what causes sexual violence, we could
not immediately, if ever, end it. Besides the social, economic and
educational programs we can pursue, we are forced to look at the
criminal justice system with respect to protection and justice.
Victims, the 'Offender', and the Criminal Justice System
In terms of change in the judicial process, it would be redundant
to repeat the extensive and generally excellent recommendations
offered in the Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Inquiry Report (1991).
Anyone working in this area must consult this report. I also recommend
the handbook The Spirit Weeps, published by the Nechi Institute,
(1988) which offers useful information on the characteristics and
dynamics of incest and child sexual abuse with an Aboriginal perspective.
The criminal justice system is, of course, a whole field
of study. I wish only to emphasize certain (and to me more bothersome)
aspects of it, namely, its sympathetic posture toward sexual offenders
and other hard-core violent criminals. Since the mid- 1960s, the
criminal justice system has increasingly exhibited wanton leniency
in the trying and sentencing of sexual offenders. Such leniency
amounts to negligence. What feeble laws exist regarding sexual assault
are routinely diluted by the judicial process and decisions. In
the case of Aboriginal people against Aboriginal people, victims
of aggravated sexual assault (the majority being female, a great
number being teenagers) are set up to live lives of silent pain,
fear and continual victimization. For example, the leader of those
gang rapes against the Lac Brochet girl received only four years
- with virtual apologies from the judge! I believe such an irresponsible
sentence makes a mockery of all women and certainly of the girl's
trauma and what will surely be her lifelong post-traumatic stress
syndrome.
Obviously, there are no easy answers. Nor am I suggesting any simplistic
solutions, but I do believe that we have so over-complicated the
issues surrounding violence that the laws and the exercising of
these laws have become absurd and have played into the hands of
child molesters, rapists and calculating murderers. This has resulted
in the devaluation of human dignity in the whole system. Property
and liquor/drug offences mean more to the system than violation
of one's person.
I do suggest the corrections system, be it Aboriginal or mainstream,
take the following direction. A dual structure should be set up
to accommodate the types of crimes and criminals being addressed.
Distinctions must be made between nonviolent and violent offences.
There is a world of difference between, say, stealing a VCR and
brutalizing a human being!
People committing certain non-violent crimes could become involved
in community-oriented programs instead of jails to compensate for
their offences. Here, 'meet-the-victim' models might apply. Also,
we must draw on alternative-to-jail programs that are in existence
in Canada, the United States and elsewhere.
There are also various degrees and forms of violence, and the system
of punishment must make a distinction between a slap, a minor brawl
and gross violence such as battering, stabbing and shooting, or
wilful and callous violence such as sexual assault and premeditated
murder.
Those involved in minor scuffles should receive help via community-based
education/renewal programs. Personal, family and community counselling
with an educational and/or therapeutic focus might be considered.
Those involved in gross violence should receive stiff custody penalties
along with strong education/therapy programs.
Those involved in gross and wilful crimes should receive very lengthy
jail sentences and, in specific cases, should also be permanently
removed from their communities. In cases of brutalization, rape
and ruthless murder, removal may be the only effective measure of
protection for victims and their families, especially in small and/or
remote settlements. Indeed, many northern communities have requested
removal and stronger penalties.
All forms of sexual assault are on a continuum of violence; therefore,
most forms must fall under the category of violence. Those, including
boys, who commit 'minor' sexual offences must be considered potentially
dangerous.
Those who commit violence and plead no-sentencing on the basis
of insanity, drunkenness, youthfulness, or even poverty, must be
placed in custody away from their victims. The law must also change
from 'not guilty by reason of insanity' to 'guilty but insane' and
proceed to sentence such parties to custody appropriate to their
crime and condition.
As well, the Young Offenders Act must be changed. I think
it is atrocious that a 13-year-old can brutally kill two women and
be sentenced to only three years.8 There is no question
that our colonial, negligent, violence-crazed, misogynist popular
culture is culpable for violent (usually male) children; still,
innocent people should not be sitting ducks for such violence.
There are degrees of youth and knowledge. There are large differences
even between two 12-year-olds. Surely, the law (and psychiatrists)
must profile and reflect these differences. The law must also reflect
the changing times - children today are much more street-wise than
those of yesteryear.
On every level of sentencing, whether in the non-violent or violent
category, there must, of course, be extensive efforts toward rehabilitation.
A word again must be said about rehabilitation. Often, lenient sentences
have been promoted on this basis. The problem here is that there
has been a blanket assumption that justice and rehabilitation are
mutually exclusive. Yet statistics show that sexual offenders, for
example, are rarely 'rehabilitated'.
But the point that seems to be missed in this discussion is this:
primary consideration as to sentencing should not be whether the
offender is going to be rehabilitated. Rather, the primary consideration
should be justice on behalf of the victim. Interrelated with concern
for justice must be an unequivocal message to the offender and to
society that sexual violence is not acceptable and that it is punishable
by law.
While I support the ideals of rehabilitation, I believe that it
is incumbent upon any criminal justice system first to dispense
justice, then to concern itself with rehabilitation. But rehabilitation
must never be at the expense of justice.
All ancient cultures have had traditions of justice, and Aboriginal
cultures no less so. Aboriginal cultures used a range of penalties,
depending on the nature of the offence: ridicule, shunning, payment
or violence in kind (in the tradition of Can eye for an eye'). We
may disagree with some ancient measures, but we cannot deny that
justice is essential to the human psyche. There is no peace or healing
without justice. Simply on the basis of providing therapeutic service
to victims, offenders must be made accountable.
But places of confinement/custody should have extensive and mandatory
rehabilitation programs. Such programs should incorporate not only
personal therapy but education with respect to decolonization and
spiritual/cultural renewal and a sociological grasp of sexism and
its relationship to violence against women.
And of course, there should be long-term rehabilitation programs
for victims and their families and communities. The destruction
inherent in any violence ripples widely into the families and communities
of victims.
I am aware that a number of community programs have been developed
that promote offender-victim reconciliation. I have read with careful
interest the Aboriginal justice Inquiry's report on the Hollow Water
Resource Group of Manitoba. As the AJI describes it: Not
only does it provide rehabilitation to the offender, and support and
comfort to the victim, but it provides a mechanism to heal and restore
harmony to the families and the community.... The Hollow Water model
was created to protect people against repetition of the offence and
to prevent any new incidents of abuse.9I
have to admit, on paper it sounds promising. And the people must be
commended for their initiative, courage and vision. But since it is
so new and does seem to operate on assumptions of rehabilitation,
some further questions are raised. It is perhaps too early to tell
whether it is as constructive as it sounds. A number of questions
come to mind: are victims in small communities really free to become
part of these meet-the-offender programs? How young are the victims?
What is the nature of the violence? Are victims agreeing to these
models as a result of social pressure and lack of other choices? How
are they being affected by all this? Do they have enough political
and social awareness to be able to make a choice with such programs?
Are offenders really being 'rehabilitated'? And should this be the
primary goal for helpers, families of victims, justices and communities?
Is it possible that offenders use such programs to get out of sentencing
and other responsibilities?
I have some difficulty with the attention given to sexual offenders.
Might there be other programs besides having to meet their assailants
that would be perhaps more healing and less stressful for victims?
Calls for services for women often contain the phrase 'culturally
appropriate'. While the principle behind this phrase is supportable,
there is a need for clearer definitions about what is meant. I am
afraid that there is some notion at large that it is 'cultural'
for Aboriginal women to tolerate violence at all costs in the name
of 'family' or 'tradition'. This is reminiscent of some churches
that admonish women never to leave 'the sanctity of marriage', even
if the women and children are being battered and/or sexually assaulted.
Care must be taken that violence of women and children never be
advanced in the name of 'culture'.
Family counselling must be encouraged but women must not be made
to feel they have to tolerate violence in the name of family or
culture. Family means that men must take responsibility and get
involved in counselling.
Questions remain as to notions of healing, notions of rehabilitation,
and the value of emphasizing family and community unity at the possible
expense of victims, many of them children. Studies on abuse of children
show that families can be the most dangerous places for them to
be. We must take care that we do not advance notions such as the
unity of families in any formulaic way because we know, unfortunately,
that families are not inherently safe. Each situation must be carefully
screened.
Room for Research Questions and Answers
No one has the final answers; we barely have embryonic suggestions.
The subject of violence, and particularly sexual violence, is extremely
difficult, and made more so because it goes to the heart of personal,
family and societal politics. It is also a subject of emotion. While
we are beginning to have access to more information and beginning
to gain better understanding of the causes and effects of violence,
there is room for continued research at all levels.
I think, though, that the focus should move toward prevention,
comprehension, support and protection on behalf of the victims.
Research monies and energy should be spent there. Services, programs,
counselling and long-term therapy for victims should be addressed.
Several times I have referred to post-traumatic stress syndrome.
We know that sexual violence causes lifetime problems. Research
on the long-term effects of sexual violence must be pursued.
On this note, I wish to caution about some standard usage of terms
and notions. Words such as 'healing', 'counselling' and 'family
violence' are used a lot. The cumulative effect of using such terms
gives the impression that sexual violence causes no great harm and
that it is easy to fix. Just go for counselling and the pain will
go away. 'Healing' is used so often that it risks promoting the
idea that victims of sexual violence can be easily healed. There
is every indication that sexual violence is extremely traumatic
and destructive and that these effects are long-term. Indeed, is
it possible to 'heal' sexual violence? This is not to suggest we
should not try, but it is to question the all too hasty use of such
terms. We run the risk of trivializing sexual violence by using
descriptions and terms that couch and soften the impact.
Words like offender, rather than rapist or child molester, serve
to minimize the calculated nature of sexual attacks. Phrases like
family or domestic violence also serve to twist the issue: women
and children are experiencing brutality to a staggering degree,
but it is being reduced and ignored as 'domestic' or 'family' violence.
In relation to this, the word 'incest' is also often misused. Incest
means that there is consensual sexual intercourse between two people
who are too closely related to be married. Sexual attacks on children
by male relatives is not incest; it is rape and child molestation.
Children, teenagers and women are not consenting to have sex with
their relatives; they are being attacked or in some way coerced
into unwanted sexual activity.
I believe research would show that as long as softened, couched
terms continue to be used, reaction to address this monstrous problem
will continue to be slow.
Research specific to Métis families, concerns and data is
very much needed. There is such a dearth of specific data on Métis
people that no one can even agree as to the population of Métis.
How are we going to strategize to eliminate violence unless we have
more precise information to work from?
With respect to justice and 'offenders', research into the viability
of old notions in new models is also required. We need to follow
up on projects such as the Hollow Water Resource Group.
Conclusion
As most of us know, violence has long been rampant in many Aboriginal
communities. I know too that we have shied away from dealing with
the issue partly because we have had to fend off racism and stereotypes.
But given the seriousness of the situation we must confront the
problem(s). If we do not, there will be self-government without
selves to govern, for people are leaving their places of birth to
escape the violence. And it is possible to deal with these issues
in an intelligent manner, without having to resort to racist stereotypes.
Finally, lest I be misunderstood, I must emphasize that I am painfully
aware of the criminal justice system's dismal record with respect
to Aboriginal peoples! I grew up watching police abuse my parents'
generation. I saw police rough up and pick up my mother, aunts and
uncles for no reason whatsoever. This generation could not defend
itself in the courts because of language differences, discrimination
and/or poverty. But I also saw or heard of police and courts neglecting
Aboriginal victims of Aboriginal violence. This is the ultimate
form of racism. It is this latter fact that must be addressed as
much as the former. Is it not time for us to take a stand against
violence in our midst?
In my community, we were all victims of colonization but we did
not all turn to violence. Further, why should Aboriginal victims
of Aboriginal violence bear the ultimate brunt of colonization/racism
and negligence of the criminal justice system?
My hope, of course, is that our communities will be renewed, that
people will find support and restoration.
Thank you for this opportunity; I trust it can have some influence
in finding protection and justice for victims and in moving toward
some understanding of the issues.
Notes 1. T.K. Young, 1988:54.
2. Hodgson, Daily, Martens, 1988; Aboriginal Justice
Inquiry (Manitoba) Report, 1991.
3. Dexter Fisher, 1980:13.
4. In Canadian Women Studies, Summer/Fall 1989:90.
5. A.M. ShkiInyk, 1985:46-47.
6. For recommendations on these, see the Aboriginal Justice
Inquiry (Manitoba) Report, 1991.
7. In Canadian Women Studies, Summer/Fall 1989.
8. A Manitoba case several years ago.
9. Aboriginal Justice Inquiry, p. 495.
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