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Public Health Agency of Canada February 1997
Additional copies are available from:
This publication features work on risk, vulnerability, and resiliency, and the health system implications of working with these concepts. Chapter one consists of a prepared for discussion at the September 1996 national roundtable. Chapter two summarizes discussions at the Risk and Vulnerability: Promise and Potential National Roundtable. Chapter three presents subsequent reflections on the materials by roundtable participants and others. Chapter four describes concrete applications of the concepts of risk and resiliency with respect to specific health issues: violence prevention/formal and informal service collaboration; seniors/risk/quality of life; women's health/service delivery issues; mental health problems/preventive approaches; and youth service issues, with a particular focus on violence prevention and healthy sexuality. This risk/vulnerability/resiliency approach provides an opportunity to explore new ways of framing work across population groups and across health and mental health issues. Implications for policy, research, education and practice are significant. The importance of strong linkages across these sectors and across service boundaries (e.g., health, criminal justice, social services, education, recreation) is evident. BACKGROUND PAPER PREFACE This background paper is based on a review of a selected number of documents related to risk, vulnerability and potential related to health and mental health issues. These include suicide, deteriorating health, disabilities, and violence, abuse and neglect. Particular emphasis was placed on the following groups-youth, adults, people living in group/institutional settings, seniors and women. The documents included materials published by Health Canada and sentinel documents identified by Health Canada that were commissioned or funded by them. Finally, it includes a review of a number of articles that were identified through limited database searches on the concept of "risk, definition of" in the following databases: HEALTH, MEDLINE, SOCIOFILE and PSYCHINFO. Only the past two years were searched and a small number of review articles were chosen. This paper is not intended to be an exhaustive discussion of the concept of risk and promise as it relates to these issues or populations. Instead, it has extracted the important concepts relating to risk and promise that were identified, and re-iterated in these documents. There will be many ideas and concepts that are missing. Following each topic of the background paper, please jot down your comments and your experiences, identify what is missing, question the concepts. At the Roundtable discussion, the intent is that you will fill in the missing pieces, challenge the ideas presented, and most importantly, carry the discussion much further and in more depth based on your expertise and experience. This paper uses the broad concept of health recognized by the World Health Organization-identifying health as a resource for everyday life, and including the integration of the physical, emotional, intellectual and social aspects of a person's being, in ways that are positively enriching. WHAT ARE RISK AND VULNERABILITY? The concept of risk has become common place in our discussions of health in many ways. Many health services are planned and organized following assessment of risk. This applies to various components of the health care system-e.g., public health, institutional health care settings, and the education of health care professionals. A risk approach is used when considering health and illness issues-e.g., mental health and mental health problems; violence, abuse and neglect; suicide; and deteriorating and disabling physical conditions. Populations are identified who might potentially be at risk for specific health problems-young children; women; youth; seniors; people from ethno-cultural minorities; gays, lesbians and bisexuals; people who live in poverty; people who are socially isolated; and people who live in institutions. In fact, according to Skolbekken (1995), the trend to using and focusing on the term "risk" has "become an epidemic". He concluded this after searching the medical databases for articles from the past two decades. Other authors have identified that practitioners and researchers in other disciplines such as education and the social sciences have adopted this conceptual paradigm for clarifying and defining problems. For example, professionals working in education have defined those conditions that tend to affect children in negative ways and reduce success in traditional school settings as producing risks, and gradually, educators have developed a set of characteristics that place children at risk for school failure. There are a number of reasons for this focus on risk. Skolbekken attributes it to the developments in science and technology, e.g., we have more sophisticated probability statistics and computer technology, and a greater focus on health promotion and risk management. As well, he states that it signals a change in thinking about the factors affecting health: i.e., whether they are outside human control or within human control. In spite of this widespread focus on the concept of risk, there is no clear consensus in the literature on a precise definition of "risk" and "at risk". There is general understanding that risk is the likelihood or the probability of experiencing some type of harm, or losing something that one values. The Oxford Encyclopaedia defines risk as, a chance or possibility of danger, loss, injury or other adverse consequences. The specific interpretation of these definitions, however, vary widely. In the literature, the concept of vulnerability is even less precise than that of risk. The definitions are vague. Oxford defines vulnerable as may be wounded or harmed, exposed to damage by a weapon, crisis, etc. It is derived from the Latin, vulnerare, to wound. In general, the literature states that individuals or groups are considered vulnerable if they are predisposed to illness, harm or some negative outcome. This predisposition can be genetic, biological or psychosocial. A vulnerability is a necessary, but not sufficient factor in the development of a health problem. WHAT ARE THE ORIGINS OF RISK? Risk was originally developed as a concept in epidemiology where the focus was on identifying the causal factors in sickness. The medical and public health approach to risk involves the following steps:
Therefore, the goal in utilizing a risk approach to illness was to design and implement prevention programs, or to intervene to ameliorate the consequences of the illness. The notion of risk possesses both an objective component (a probability) and a subjective component (a perceived danger). Risk analysis differentiates between risks where prevention or intervention is possible, and where it is not. WHAT ARE RISK FACTORS? If risk is the likelihood or probability of encountering harm or loss, implicit in this understanding is the idea of harm caused by some specific danger or threat. These are commonly referred to as "risk factors". Risk factors are variables or characteristics (biological, environmental or psychosocial) associated with an individual that make it more likely that she or he, as opposed to another person randomly selected from the population, will develop a problem. Risk factors:
Risk factors include attributes, processes, conditions, events and interactions/relationships that affect the person or his or her environment. Authors use different terminology in identifying risk factors such as risk conditions and underlying conditions/situations. Once again, examining the origin of the risk concept, we see that terms such as "risk factors" come from a medical, epidemiological and public health perspective. This perspective seeks to identify internal (e.g., heredity, biological, behavioural) and external (environmental, socioeconomic, demographic) risk factors, and minimize their impact on the individual and family. The identification of risk factors helps to set the parameters for prevention or intervention programs. Some risk factors can be modified, such as behavioural factors like diet. Others cannot be changed, such as age, gender and inherited conditions. ASSESSMENT OF RISK IN VARIOUS POPULATIONS Utilizing a risk approach to planning services often leads service planners and providers to examine the risk of specific health problems in various populations. Therefore, certain groups are identified to be "at risk" for various problems. Certain populations are commonly identified. The following examples reflect these approaches. (These examples are not to be considered exhaustive, but typify the application of the risk approach). Girls, women and Violence Particular groups of girls and women, based on their relative lack of power and absence of resources, have been identified as being more at risk of experiencing violence than others. Young girls and young women are especially vulnerable to abuse by parents, adult care givers, acquaintances and boyfriends. Aboriginal girls and women have much higher rates of abuse than non-Aboriginal women. Immigrant women, women of colour, refugee women, live-in domestic workers, and women from linguistic minorities more often encounter barriers in accessing appropriate services, and therefore bear a greater burden from violence than other women. Women and girls with disabilities experience higher than average rates of violence and also encounter double disadvantage in accessing services. Mental Disorders In the area of mental disorders, it has been identified that except for genetic factors most risk and protective factors are not specific to particular disorders. Jonah, 1996, has identified that certain childhood risk factors create a vulnerability which gives greater effect to subsequent, disorder-related risk factors. These include low IQ, low birthweight/prematurity, adverse prenatal variables (e.g. drug/alcohol use during pregnancy), difficult temperament, chronic physical illness or neurophysiological deficits related to disorders characterized by acting-out behaviour, early language difficulties (particularly associated with behaviour disorders); and gender (males are more vulnerable to physical and psychosocial stressors during childhood, females are more vulnerable to psychosocial stressors in adolescence and males are again more vulnerable to psychosocial stressors in young adulthood). General risk factors deriving from family situations include those that contribute to family dysfunction (due to stress or disruption) or those that interfere with attachment or good parenting behaviours such as parental psychiatric disorder (especially maternal depression, including alcoholism); discord/conflict between parents associated with serious marital problems (particularly affects behaviour problems in boys, especially if maternal depression is also a factor); witnessing parental violence (may lead boys in particular to use violence to resolve conflict); low socio-economic status; overcrowding or large family size; criminal behaviour by parents or dysfunctional parenting (can lead to conduct disorder); and time spent in child custodial care. Delinquent Behaviour and Young People The National Crime Prevention Council of Canada, 1 995b, has identified a number of risk factors that contribute to delinquent behaviour among youth and young adults, Many of these originate in childhood. Gender is an issue-boys are considered by some to be more likely to "act out" (externalize) their emotional problems by engaging in antisocial or delinquent behaviours. There are biological risk factors. The central nervous system matures during the early childhood years. Anything that interferes with brain development and causes neurological damage can lead to conduct disorders and the inability to succeed at school. These two risk factors, unless effectively addressed, may lead to later criminal behaviour. Exposure to neurotoxins, such as lead, can result in easily distracted, hyperactive children who cannot follow simple instructions. Some people may be born with a temperament that predisposes them to disruptive behaviour. There may also be genetic underpinnings to behavioural disorders. Some studies suggest that the degree of poverty is a reliable indicator of the likelihood to offend. Others have found that the problem is not so much poverty, as the fact that poverty brings with it a host of associated risk factors. Exposure to frequent and tense parental disagreement (such as conflict, disharmony and lack of agreement between partners) heightens the risk for conduct disorders and leads to increased risk of early offending. The underlying common denominator in raising socially competent children appears to be the emotional availability of their parents. Two strong predictors of delinquency are: poor parental supervision and harsh, erratic discipline. Finally, child victims of violence may be at risk for delinquency, crime and violent criminal behaviour; this is particularly the case for males. For example, boys who witness their fathers beating their mothers are at a higher risk for becoming violent husbands. Other risk factors include lack of adequate, inexpensive housing; lack of accessible, quality childcare; illiteracy; isolation from the community, family and school cultural alienation; racism, sexism, discrimination and the destruction of cultural identities and the promotion of ideas and attitudes, mainly by the media, that are sources of violence, discrimination and intolerance. Suicide The Task Force on Suicide in Canada (Health Canada, 1994) has identified that suicide is not an illness, but the end-result of a complex interaction of a number of neurobiological, psychological, cultural and social factors that have had an impact on the person. Because of their biological and social environment, some people may be especially vulnerable to suicide when faced by a stressor or combination of stressors that have such dark or intolerable personal meaning, cause such anguish and despair, or such frustration and resentment, that they are unable or unwilling to bear with the stressor, or to resolve it in a more positive manner. Biological factors that can influence vulnerability include: genetic predispositions to particular mental disorders; low levels of brain serotonergic neurotransmission; potentially terminal conditions, such as AIDS; and people who have been diagnosed with clinically severe depression or some other psychiatric disorder. Psychological factors may include depression; feelings of helplessness and hopelessness; low self-esteem; negative attitudes about self; impulsivity; lack of the skills or energy needed for coping; and drug and alcohol abuse. Sociocultural influences include demoralization or fragmentation of society; permissive attitudes that may facilitate suicide; media attention to celebrity suicides; social isolation or lack of a solid social network; role models or peers committing suicide; unemployment; and environmental factors that are conducive to suicidal behaviour, such as the availability of firearms. These risk factors contribute to certain populations being at particular risk: adolescents and young adults; people who are in late middle age and seniors; Aboriginal people; gay men and lesbians; and persons in custody. Youth The Canadian Parks/Recreation Association study identified that youth-at-risk are not just a bunch of kids in trouble. In fact, all youth face some sort of risk-some more than others because of their socio-economic status, environment, friends, family situation, behavioural problems, and physical or mental health. At one end of the continuum is a large group of youth facing low levels of risk. At the other extreme, a small group is involved in chronic anti-social behaviour, serious drug abuse, risky sexual behaviour, or even suicide. In between are risk situations ranging from lesser to greater degrees of risk (page 2). WHAT MUST WE UNDERSTAND ABOUT THE CONCEPT OF RISK? There are certain specific things we must understand about risk if we are to fully understand the impact of utilizing a risk approach to identifying prevention interventions and addressing problems. Risk is not certain. Risk is based on probability. Therefore, not everyone who is exposed to a risk condition or factor will have an adverse outcome. Risk factors are "linked to" and "associated with" negative outcomes. Therefore, in most cases, especially those relating to mental health and psychosocial outcomes, it would be inaccurate to assume a direct cause and effect relationship between a given risk factor and a specific outcome. There are, however, some specific biological outcomes which have cause and effect relationships. Two examples are certain teratogenic drugs, such as thalidomide, and environmental toxins such as lead. Risk is a relative concept-risk factors range from those that are only markers to minimally harmful situations to those that are markers to life-threatening situations. The Canadian Association on Gerontology has identified that personal risk exists on a continuum, from those that individuals vigorously pursue as opportunities, to those over which they have little choice. This notion is explained in the following diagram:
There is also a social continuum of risk, ranging from risks which society views as inevitable or are willing to accept, to risks which are considered unacceptable or unreasonable. While the personal risk continuum is based on choice, the social risk continuum is based on societal notions of acceptable and unacceptable outcomes. Therefore, risk is not a neutral concept, it involves determining what are acceptable or unacceptable consequences (Canadian Association on Gerontology, 1995). Multiple and persistent risk factors predict more strongly than any individual risk factor. Therefore, risks interact. In many cases, not only are risk factors cumulative, but it has been found that they multiply in their effects. Furthermore, not all risk factors are equal and no one risk factor accounts for all of the risk. The following examples illustrate this concept.
Risk factors work together over time to influence the likelihood of a negative outcome. The longer the exposure to risk factors, the greater the likelihood the health problem will occur. The identification and experience of risk exists in a human development context. Both our understanding of the concept of risk and the strength of various risk factors change with age.
Risk identification exists in a social context. This concept is important for two reasons. First, since other people define risk for individuals and group, usually health and other service providers and community agencies, the identification of risk will be partially based upon their values, biases, experience and knowledge.
Second, social isolation is identified as a risk factor. Research from a number of countries has found a clear association between social supports and health, indicating that social relationships, or the absence of these relationships, is a major risk for health.
Risks may reflect structural inequalities. There are risk conditions which are general circumstances, over which people have little or no control, that are known to affect health status. These are usually a result of public policy and are modified through collective action and social reform. People are at risk who, by virtue of their economic and social situation, are isolated and without access to resources and opportunities to participate in their communities. People are at risk who have few life skills and, who consequently, feel little sense of control over their lives and their environments. People are at risk who, for a variety of reasons, many of them related to their social conditions, engage in negative lifestyles, and/or who do not have access to appropriate primary care and preventive health services. The following are specific examples.
WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF A RISK APPROACH? Risk Factors arc Predictive Tools Since risk factors are predictive tools, they have their limitations. How much each risk factor contributes to harm, or what proportion of the population is at risk is often not known. The Canadian Association on Gerontology has identified that: It is unclear how extensive an element or variable must be in a 'vulnerable population' or how strong the predictive ability must be to become a risk factor. Often elements are identified as risk factors with little empirical evidence to support them. In some cases, only 10-20% of the population for whom the risk has been realized show the characteristic, yet it is identified as a risk factor." Bias The process of identifying risk can be biased. It has already been identified that drawing conclusions about risk factors, and what are acceptable and unacceptable levels of risk, is not a neutral process. It involves someone else deciding what is "normal". These decisions cannot help but be influenced by individual values, ideologies and experiences. Given the social, biased nature of risk assessment, it is not inconceivable to consider the degree to which a person's age, gender, race, class, first language, family makeup and environment all target them for an 'at risk' label, and associated interventions. Beaulieu (1996) provides an example with regard to seniors.
Furthermore, service providers are often described as "risk aversive", preferring to focus on safety and protection over other important values. This may result from a sense of professional responsibility to clients, as well as fear of liability or the way in which their professional field is recognized (Canadian Association on Gerontology, 1995). Resulting Interventions If risk factors are improperly identified interventions may be targeted and inappropriate. Furthermore, short-term interventions may be implemented and then terminated. Often, traditional service delivery for specific populations-at-risk have been limited in that they address only a single risk factor or outcome and they require evidence of serious disturbance or dysfunction, which leads them to treatment rather than prevention. Furthermore, the services resulting from this approach may be fragmented and have structural barriers that make them impossible for people to access. Resnick and Burt, 1996, provide an example relating to youth.
Negative Focus The process of ascribing risk focuses on the negative; it focuses on weaknesses instead of strengths, limitations instead of abilities. This may result in the perception of individuals as being at risk as opposed to at promise (i.e. as individuals with a problem to be addressed rather than as people who provide an opportunity to nurture). That can bias how people are treated and how interventions are designed (Jonah, 1996). In fact, with regards to children and families Sedener and Lubeck have identified that "the generalized use of the 'at risk' label is highly problematic and implicitly racist, classist, sexist and a 1990s version of the cultural deficit model which locates problems or 'pathologies' in individuals, families, and communities rather than in institutions and structures that create and maintain inequality." (Swadener and Lubeck, page 3). With regard to violence against women, MacLeod has stated that : "The search for certainty through a sophisticated risk assessment tool may in fact increase the danger women face. It could direct the attention of workers to predicting problems, rather than building solutions to prevent risk escalating." (cited in Gillespie and Denham, 1996, page 5). Lack of Involvement of Clients Since risk assessment is commonly carried out by a service provider, and interventions determined by that person or dictated by the parameters of a program or service, interventions can be paternalistic and at odds with the concept of consumer empowerment or participation. Often asking people themselves about what is important to them with regards to their health is very different than what health care providers would determine is important for their health.
PROMISE AND POTENTIAL Traditionally, as identified above, health research and service has been oriented toward identifying the risk factors for disease and premature death. Recently, this focus has widened to include protective and health-promoting factors. There are a number of ways of looking at this phenomenon. Resiliency Resiliency has its roots in psychological and human development theory. The term has been used traditionally to describe the individual's ability to manage or cope with significant adversity or stress in ways that are not only effective, but may result in increased ability to respond to future adversity. Studies have examined resiliency among populations exposed to war, poverty, and chronic illness. Through these and other studies, the characteristics of resilient individuals have been identified. Resiliency is viewed by some to consist of a balance between stress and adversity on the one hand, and the ability to cope and availability of support on the other. When the stresses are greater than the individual's protective factors, then, even individuals who have been resilient in the past may be overwhelmed (Mangham et. al, 1995). Resiliency may be particularly important during times of transition, when stresses tend to accumulate. Transitions occur throughout life, from school entry, to adolescence and detachment from parents, through childbearing and through the late adult years. It is also includes unexpected events such as natural disasters, unemployment, relocating, family disruption or poverty (Mangham et. al, 1995). Resiliency is not a static characteristic, but also a process of coping. It is dynamic, successful coping in one situation that strengthens the individual's competency to deal with adversity in the future (Mangham et. al, 1995). Protective Factors Resiliency embraces two fundamental concepts-risk and protective factors. Risk includes characteristics of the individual as well as the environment, as noted above. Protective factors could include skills, personality factors and environmental supports which contribute to resiliency. They provide a buffer as well as a reservoir of resources to deal effectively with stress (Mangham et. al, 1995). Mangham et. al., 1995, have identified,
through a comprehensive review of the literature, that there are three
broad categories of protective factors contributing to resiliency in
individuals: individual factors, family factors and support factors.
WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS OF UTILIZING RESILIENCY AND PROTECTIVE FACTORS? Resiliency is not an entirely new concept. Some health promotion programs, prevention programs, are designed to enhance individual life skills such as problem solving and self-efficacy. Some programs are targeted at families under significant stress, and aim to improve family functioning and cooperation. Mangham et. al., 1995 state that "a focus on resiliency in [health promotion] could be part of the shift from a deficit-centred view of health emphasizing risk factors, to individuals', families' and communities' adaptation through protective factors. The fact that many people face significant stress and adversity at some time in their lives, during transitions, gives the concept increased importance in health promotion" (Mangham et. a!, 1995, page 8). However, they go on to say that from the analysis of the literature it is clear that little is known about resiliency as applied to health promotion and program development, and specific recommendations would be premature. Research is needed particularly on factors predicting resiliency in families and communities, on potential mechanisms for fostering resiliency, and on resiliency within various cultural groups and social classes. Research must go beyond merely identifying protective factors, to explore protective processes. Evaluative studies are needed to determine effects of programs on resiliency. And, participatory research is needed, involving active input from the individuals, families, or communities whose resilience is being investigated. CONCLUSIONS The concepts of risk, vulnerability
and promise and potential are complex. While the concepts of risk and
vulnerability have long-standing traditional roots in medicine and public
health, the concepts of promise and potential are newer in the field
of research and program planning. When planning and providing programs
for young children, youth, adult men and women and older adults, a balance
between identifying risk and building on strength must be sought. In
that context, a number of authors have identified some basic qualities
of caring, that should be embraced no matter what.
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Perspectives on children "at risk": Cultural considerations and alternative educational approaches, in Harris III JJ, Heid CA Carter DG and Brown R. (Eds.). Readings on the State of Education in Urban America. Bloomington, [N: Indiana University Center for Urban and Multicultural Education. WORKING DOCUMENT BASED ON THE ROUNDTABLE DISCUSSION
Louise Hanvey Consulting - Nov. 13, 1996 INTRODUCTION On September 26 and 27, 1996, the Mental Health Unit of the Health Care and Issues Division of Health Canada hosted a Roundtable discussion "Risk and Vulnerability - Potential and Promise". The participants of the Roundtable were:
BACKGROUND TO THE ROUNDTABLE The concept of risk has become common place in our discussions of health in a number of ways. Many health services are planned and organized following assessment of risk. This applies to various components of the health care system-e.g., public health, institutional health care settings, and the education of health care professionals. A risk approach is used when considering health and illness issues-e.g., mental health and mental health problems; violence, abuse and neglect; suicide; and deteriorating and disabling physical conditions. Populations are identified who might potentially be at risk for specific health problems-young children; women; youth; seniors; people from ethno-cultural minorities; gays, lesbians and bisexuals; people who live in poverty; people who are socially isolated; and people who live in institutions. Therefore, the concepts of risk and vulnerability have been apparent through many programs and initiatives of Health Canada. There are a number of examples. The Mental Health Unit, Health Care and Issues Division, has been working with the concept of risk in relation to mental health problems and serious mental illness. Through a review of the literature on the effectiveness of prevention of mental health problems for those at risk, the Unit identified the complexity of the concept of risk as it applies to mental health. The Mental Health Unit has also had strong participation in the now completed family violence initiative. The focus was specifically health professionals and the health care system. The Mental Health Unit concentrated attention on knowledge, effective response, and access to information and training. Three areas received major attention. The first was education and training: looking at teaching approaches; how content was handled; the process of change; and interdisciplinary approaches, primarily with the health sciences faculties. This work has had a very broad range of application, across many issues. The second area was health practice and health practice settings. This involved developing guidelines, and particularly involving professions who had not been involved before, for example the dental profession. This work had a strong emphasis on looking at the values of individual practitioners and their life experiences. The third area was abuse and neglect of older adults in community and institutional settings. Concepts of risk and vulnerability were apparent in all of these initiatives. The Health Care and Issues Division also addresses concepts of long term care, continuing care and palliative care. The Division has identified that individuals, families and groups, in all of these circumstances, can be at increased risk of a variety of adverse outcomes. Other Divisions of Health Canada have also been involved in concepts of risk and vulnerability. The Childhood and Youth Division has identified the impact on children at risk, particularly young children. The Women's Health Bureau has identified risks for women's health-emotional and physical. The Aging and Seniors Division has been identifying what the concept of risk means for seniors, how it has been defined, and what is contributing to their risk. In 1994 the Federal, Provincial and Territorial Advisory Committee on Population Health prepared Strategies for Population Health: Investing in the Health of Canadians. This document summarized what we know about the broad determinants of health-the things that make and keep people healthy. It defined population health strategies that address the entire range of factors that determine health, rather than focusing on risks and clinical factors related to particular disease. These strategies also are designed to affect the entire population, rather than individuals who already have a health problem or are at significant risk of developing one. It therefore became apparent to the Mental Health Unit of the Health Care and Issues Division that there was a need to examine the concepts of risk and vulnerability in a holistic way-to identify the common, and different, elements of risk as they affect various populations and various health outcomes. In order to achieve that, the Unit commissioned: A Background Paper: Risk and Vulnerability - Promise and Potential. This paper was based on a review of a selected number of documents related to risk, vulnerability and potential concerning health and mental health issues. These included suicide, deteriorating health, disabilities and violence, abuse and neglect. Particular emphasis was placed on the following groups-youth, adults, people living in group/institutional settings, seniors and women. The paper included reviews of materials published by Health Canada and sentinel documents identified by Health Canada that were commissioned or funded by them. The paper was not intended to be an exhaustive discussion of the concept of risk and promise as it relates to these issues or populations. Instead, it extracted the important concepts relating to risk and promise that were identified. Next, the Mental Health Unit invited a group of service providers, planners and researchers to attend this Roundtable discussion. The objectives of the Roundtable were as follows:
THE ELEMENTS AND PERCEPTIONS OF RISK AND VULNERABILITY Throughout their deliberations, the Roundtable
participants identified some important elements to consider when defining
risk factors. They are outlined in the following table.
Participants noted that there are different uses of the concepts of risk and vulnerability. These differences depend on people's perspectives on health e.g., medical model versus determinants of health; individualistic versus social context; psychological/scientific versus feminist/political. Social Analysis The participants identified that much of risk that is experienced by individuals is constructed by the society in which they live. As one participant said, I am concerned about finding ways to keep a social analysis as part of this context, so that we can focus on individuals who are at risk, but not lose sight of the bigger picture. Two examples were helpful. The first one was the example of violence against women, and the social norms that contribute to violence. Women are at higher risk of violence than men, and some sub-groups of women are at higher risk Changing that situation of risk is a systemic thing, it is not about those individual women who are at risk at all. This is one of the most complex parts of looking at risk, that is, how do we address risk looking at it from a systemic point of view? Every woman is at risk, there is nothing particular about one woman that makes her different than the next women. ft is not about women. ft is about how we conduct relationships, the way our system is ordered in general in terms of power and balance, power in society. A second example was that of poverty. One participant observed that there has been a feminization of poverty, and it appears to be increasing. The gender issues of poverty have not been addressed. And we know that poverty puts people at increased risk of a number of harmful outcomes. The feeling was that if we only address the side issues, or focus on the harmful outcomes, we are not addressing the complete issue. What do you do when you come up against something that requires a social revolution? We can do the practical pieces that are manageable, and ethically we must do that, but we will continue to bang our heads against this wall. Addressing societal issues requires a longer term timeline, it involves another set of issues, but to not include it is to miss a major point. This reinforced the importance of taking a determinants approach to understanding health and to responding to health issues. From a service point of view, participants felt that it is important to be concerned about the individual and support for them. From a broader perspective it is important to look systemically. Otherwise we become focussed very narrowly and that becomes counterproductive. There was concern raised around the issue of "blaming the victim" for their risk. Two examples were shared. While it has been good for service providers to ask women the right kinds of questions about abuse, it is critical that they not move from identifying individuals to blaming them, or seeing their behaviour as being the cause of the abuse. When we use the term risk, how can we immediately demand that people ask questions about the larger social context and what gave rise to the risk factors in the first place. Another example is HIV/AIDS. Gay men were identified as a risk group, and one of the consequences was that people made attributions that blamed gay men and their lifestyle for this illness. We have moved from identifying risk groups based on identity, to identifying risk behaviours. Probability Risk is inherently a concept of probability. However, one participant identified that risk gets talked about in categorical terms. Each risk factor is really a minor, moderate or major shift in the probability of something happening. The real question is not If something is a risk factor, but whether the risk it incurs is a meaningless minor shift or a major shift. We cannot count all risk factors as if they are equal. We have to get past the laundry list of risk factors. We need to identify starting points of risk factors, and cut away the parts of the process that are automatic consequences. It is important to first identify individual risk factors and throw them into the pot. We have to be inclusive so all risk factors are considered. At some later phase we have to determine that not all of these things count, some are more essential than others. We need methods to shift through that. Down the road, as we study things, we do cut them down. At the beginning of research we will have a proliferation of risk factors. It takes a long time to sift through them and come to what really matters. Therefore, we need long term studies. Often categorical conclusions are made based on risk factors, rather than recognizing that individual risk factors give us only one dimension of the picture. We jump from the notion that 50% of schizophrenia is inherited, to the idea that it is genetic. Somewhere along the line the language of continuous variables got turned into categorical conclusions. This is often because of a .longing for certainty. The addictions field has been looking for years for a genetic link Others have been looking for a cause of sexual orientation. There is a great deal of money that is being spent on the cause of Alzheimer's Disease, when the social and other costs of the disease are huge. This can lead to inappropriate interventions. The example of diagnosing major depression was shared. When one diagnoses major depression, if you look at the criteria in most systems there is some magic point, out of the nine criteria symptoms, where someone is called a major depressive. For example, if you have six symptoms you have a major depression, if you have five you do not. There is the illusion that there has been determination that there is a huge qualitative difference in function. That has never been empirically demonstrated. Treatment decisions are made on this basis. Where you put the threshold is determined by a lot of things, not only empirical evidence, money, politics, but also the seriousness or consequences of being wrong. Cause Causality is an interesting phenomenon in risk. There were differences in opinion among Roundtable participants as to the understanding of causality as it applies to risk. In most cases, especially those relating to mental health and psychosocial outcomes, it is inaccurate to assume a direct cause and effect relationship between a given risk factor and a specific outcome. The impact of risk factors are multiplicative and they contribute to varying degrees to the outcome. However, indirectly risk factors are part of the causal process. It is not exclusively causal, there is uncertainty. This does not mean that there is not causality. If we don 't connect the language of causality to risk factors, then why should we intervene? A risk factor is a starting point-it happens prior to the harmful outcome. We often speak about a connection between risk factors and outcomes, e.g., there is a connection between depression and alcohol use. It is not known if the depression causes the alcohol use or vice versa. Causality is uncertain. However, people have the tendency to assume because they fit together there is a causality. The tendency is to look at risk factors like a checklist, without looking at how much of the population are we talking about, who is determining it as a risk factor, or how much risk it contributes. The Concept of Time The concept of time was identified as important when considering risk and vulnerability. Often we talk about risk as an event, or as events, that happen at a particular point in a person's life with a consequence. However, risk is part of a process. Even though there may be something that increases the risk, or a traumatic event, what keeps that going over time? It is at the least a two stage process, the event itself and how that might harm the individual, and what keeps that going over time. One framework proposed by a participant looked at what influences risk over time in the following way. What are the reinforcing factors-the personal and social resources that can facilitate or increase the probability of harm occurring in terms of life experiences; and the enabling factors, the factors in the community, e.g., attitudes in the community. These co-exist with risk and change over time. Individual Versus Community While much discussion and focus around risk is based on individuals, communities can also be at risk. Focussing on the health of communities was seen as a high priority. The biggest area at risk in Canada is our communities, most of our communities are unhealthy. Then disease emanates, then we drive a lot of public service dollars into attacking the disease. We need a smarter way of going about this. Furthermore, when we focus only on the individual, the approach has the potential of becoming a pathology model, and we may be focussing our attention on the wrong things. You have to put the individual back in a context; you need a wide angle lens to see if the risk factor is connected to a larger issue. Look at a community health aspect first, and then see the individual in the context. For example, youth violence is not a youth issue, it is a community health issue. It requires looking at a lot of other symptoms. Developmental Approach Risk must be considered in the context of development. One participant shared the example of youth. In adolescence it is developmentally normal to take risks. This is somewhat linked to feelings of omnipotence, young people don 't have the concept that they can be harmed. In some areas, it is developmentally normal to engage in violent aggressive behaviours to establish oneself among peers, assert one 's identity in the group. Some risk taking behaviour among youth may be to relieve boredom. If we are labelling that behaviour, or trying to understand it and intervene, it would be rejected by young people. A developmental approach is not appropriate for all risk situations. For example, for seniors it can be a patronizing approach that denies them control over their lives. It often translates into not "allowing" older people to take risks. Acceptability of Risk What is defined as "acceptable risk" is often based on society and individual values. Therefore definitions of risk are often subjective. Older people are often not allowed to take risks, which are considered OK for younger people. If we conceptualize risk on a graph with two axes, harm to self to harm to others on the x-axis, and permissiveness of risk or the level of risk they are allowed to take before anyone intervenes on the y-axis, you would see under what circumstances people will fall into which Mapping Acceptable/Allowable Levels of Risk
Who Defines Risk? It is other people, usually health and other service providers and community agencies, who define risk for individuals and groups. Therefore, the identification of risk will be partially based upon service providers' and agencies' values, biases, experience and knowledge. Often times risk is identified because there has been advocacy work in a certain area of concern or on behalf of a certain group. The social context of society and the particular community, the political agenda and the financial resources available define and provide the basis for addressing risks, as well as do research and investigation. Choice Choice is an important phenomenon to consider when discussing risk. However, the group identified many different facets to the concept of choice. One is that ultimately, people will choose to behave in certain ways. The question was raised, Is there a subset of people in society who will choose to kill themselves no matter what society wants to do about it? One participant identified, We have people in personal care homes who are supervised for 24 hours a day-they do commit suicide. They decide they are not going to eat anymore, and despite the best efforts of the staff they do die. People will always continue to make those choices. On the other hand, other participants had concerns that when people live in institutional settings, there is often so little left in terms of choices, for example, choices about eating, dressing, that these choices become very significant. If you don 't even have choices over the small things, where is the hope? We create systems that generate these dependencies. In the mental health system we have lowered people's functionality so we can just ~ our services. We put people at risk and then we can intervene with the effects of this risk. However, choice was not always seen as that straight forward. One choice may lead to situations where further choices become impossible. It gets fuzzy in addictions. You may have started making a choice to take the drug, but then you may not have any choice over what your experience will be with the drug. The only people who have no risk are those who are not taking any. As soon as you take any kind of alcohol and drug you put yourself at risk of developing a problem, because you don't know what the end result will be, you may be someone who can drink socially, or you may be someone who rapidly goes down that road of dependence and lack of tolerance. Finally, one participant identified that these examples refer to people who are capable, cognitively, of making decisions. There are many people who no longer have their cognitive abilities and are therefore not able to make these kinds of choices. The concept of choice was not applicable to situations involving abuse and neglect. In these cases, the social situation often limits people's choices. For example, a lack of power balance and equality between the genders in our society contributes to violence against women, and does not provide choices for women. Some of our systems and decisions take away choice and impose risk on people. For example, early discharge following birth creates potential risk for the newborn. Seniors being discharged one to two days following surgery may be at increased risk. These are risks that are imposed by fiscal allocations. There may be false economies that come with that kind of approach. In these situations, having the support in the community is important. If you go into the community and those supports are not there, then there is a heightening of the probability of some kind of harm occurring. The group also talked about risk in terms of the ethics of risk, the competing ethical values. If we talk about risk in terms of autonomy, we also need to talk about risk in terms of social justice. An example was shared with regard to seniors. We tend to focus on issues of self-neglect with elderly. We allow a lot of latitude around individuals neglecting their own nutrition, physical health, safety and less latitude when there is harm /neglect for others. If a senior smokes in his/her own home and is at risk for starting a fire, we are far less likely to intervene than if she/he lives in an apartment where there is harm to other people. What Discourse of Risk Are We Constructing? When discussing and defining risk we are influenced by much of the discourse that has come before. For example, the risk of perpetrating violence is often only described in terms of males, risk of victimization in female terms. That's why we don't have a "violence against men" terminology, even though males may be at greater risk at some ages. Part of this is the history of the advocacy - women's voices have been heard (granted, we still have a long way to go). When we talk about previous victims becoming offenders, we always talk about males, even though female victims also become abusers, and in ways that are different from males. We have to be careful, there are a lot of assumptions about gender that may block us from achieving a more inclusive discourse. The issue of violence provides a good example of this discussion. The current discourse of risk in the area of violence focuses on the victim. However, it could be changed to see risk as those at risk of perpetrating violence, rather than those at risk of being victimized by violence. Altering the discourse in this case, would lead to different kinds of interventions. Promise and Potential The process of ascribing risk focuses on the negative. It focuses on weaknesses instead of strengths, limitations instead of abilities. This may result in the perception of individuals as being at risk as opposed to at promise (i.e. as individuals with a problem to be addressed rather than as people who provide an opportunity to nurture). That can bias how people are treated and how interventions are designed. Participants identified this particularly with regard to seniors and youth. In working with older people we have developed assessment tools that dealt with the probability of problems. Over the years we have tried to switch it around, starting to build on strengths, looking at positive aspects, allowing people to take risks. It is a different perspective. When we are working with older people, we do acknowledge that there are some things that have been lost, but there is a lot that remains. It is capacity that we are working with. For a long time we were only thinking of incapacity, now we are looking at what is the capacity that is there, not only physical, but social and intellectual capacity. With regard to at risk youth, The problem behaviour happens only once in a while. Most of the time they are intact. They are doing something right. As well, all the rest of the kids who do not give us difficulty are generally fine too. There is a well of resiliency that we have not focussed on. There was a concern expressed that by focussing on incapacity, we will end up saying, "if they are not capable of doing it we will do it for them", instead of working with people. Hope Focussing on hope was seen as critical by many in the group. One participant shared an example relating to a women's addiction program that looks at the concept of hope as opposed to the concept of problems. We started to document not only the women 's strengths, but also their perception of how well they are doing. We want to look at the relationship of hope and movement in hope and long term outcome, not just ~f they are sober, but their situation re housing, income, depression, self-esteem, violence. Our intent is to work on their hope, their sense of control. While seen as a powerful idea, in certain professional domains it was felt to be not accepted as valid. If actions and interventions recommended by program providers are not adopted, the individual's choice may be interpreted as not showing progress. With regard to high risk youth, the whole idea of "meaning", is often tied to resources. If young people do not have hope, they do not see that they have control in their lives. We should change our organizations to those that generate success for kids. INTERVENTIONS, PROGRAMS AND SERVICES Models of Intervention One of the keys to successful models of
intervention is that the appropriate intervention be offered to the appropriate
population. One participant shared a model for effective programming,
reported by May, 1995, which is based on risk prevention of fetal alcohol
syndrome (FAS). While this model shows what programming based on risk
would really mean in the FAS field, it has broad application.
In the world of pregnant women, the vast majority are at the low end of the risk continuum of drinking heavily and having a damaged child. This is primarily because women stop drinking, because they don't want to drink. The risk continuum moves along to high risk at the tip of the triangle, with moderate risk along the way. Most people fall on the left, with a very small percent on the right in the tip of the triangle (?4%). Overall in society approximately 15% of people have drug and alcohol problems in some severity. P.A. May suggests that in applying the concept of risk in the low and moderate risk groups you think of universal approaches, e.g., warning signs in bars, (in the women's washroom). With these approaches, you need to create the climate. There needs to be some information about FAS or women will not know about it. Furthermore, society depicts positive images about women drinking. This also includes a universal screening process of drinking and pregnancy, e.g., with physicians and public health nurses, people in a position to be talking to pregnant women. Without this we cannot identify women at high risk. People who are screened to have some level of alcohol use that is too high would receive an early intervention: motivational interviewing by doctors, nurses and other providers. This goes beyond asking questions about alcohol use, but encouraging the woman to think about what she is doing about it. It requires doctors, nurses, transition house workers, etc., to be able to do this. The British Columbia Government also has
a graphical schema, where they list their services as to where they fall
under the continuum of risk.
Authentic, Real-Life Interventions There was discussion about the importance of creating interventions that are human and approximate real life. For example, with youth. I think that we increase vulnerability and the probability of risk when our interventions are so artificial and far removed from what we really need to create healthy children. For example, why don't we have foster homes for young women who are expecting and want to keep their babies, instead of putting them in institutions? They would be with a family who want to help a young woman raise a child. They can model for her, teach her the things she needs to know. She would not be isolated, marginalized. High risk kids are unattractive, unappealing clients, so our interventions in residential settings tend to be regimented. Kids need authentic relationships with real adults. The closer our models/interventions/working relationships/programs resemble real life, the more likely we are to connect with those kids, help them heal, find their way. When you look at the costs of doing these things, it will be more cost effective. Empowerment and Participation Participation of individuals and communities in risk identification, and in planning interventions and services was seen as very important. A number of aspects of this approach were identified. Harm reduction was seen as an approach that may not only benefit the individual, but also benefit the community. For example, giving addicts heroin might reduce their likelihood of getting involved in crime. You have to think of how this one act saves the community from further harm. Harm reduction was identified as an effective approach to risk, that was empowering for individuals. Harm reduction asks the question, "Are there ways to reduce the harm that accompany risk?" It respects choices around risk and is a client focussed approach. Participants did identify that it is often difficult to shift the power to the consumer. It fundamentally changes the relationship. It raises questions of values. The whole issue of power in consumer/provider relationships is critical to empowerment. The mental health example was shared by one participant. One thing that influences this relationship is legislation. The mental health act is an interesting way to assess relational issues between consumers and providers in terms of how much risk an individual can freely take. One of the interesting aspects in developing mental health legislation is that it brought sectoral interests around the table, it brought the family members, consumers, therapists, bureaucrats who had to design the legislation, it probably did a lot to advance relational issues between consumers and providers. One participant's experience in reforming the mental health system involved consumer participation. Regional management boards were established, and the composition of those boards was family members, service providers, caregivers and members of the community at large. They were participatory in nature. The result has been a system that is more responsive to consumer needs. Support Supportive environments are needed for intervention, regardless of where that intervention takes place. There was much discussion regarding interventions that are institutional based versus community based. This included de-institutionalization as it relates to people with serious mental health problems; institutional versus day treatment of people with addictions; services for youth at risk; and health services for the older adults. Participants identified that in many ways mental health legislation has helped us to understand that risk is a good thing, if we create systems that give people choice and provide the support that is appropriate, as defined by users as much as by providers. The key is available support as defined by clients. Then risk is seen on a continuum. It may not be an opportunity, but it may be freely accepted. However, if we don't provide the supports and alternatives to the individual, but still put them into that environment where there is risk, they are more likely to be harmed by the risk. For example, a person with schizophrenia who starts to decompensate and is in his/her apartment. The old way would be we'11 go and get an examination certificate, haul them off get them certified and treat them. The outcome of that in terms of their health was predictable, it led to long term re-institutionalization and it led to poor functional outcomes for people. Part of the risk is if we leave them in that home they are going to get sick. But if every day we go back and knock on the door, and say "John, are you going to come to the centre and get your medication? "John may say, "get out of here, I don't want to see you ". If the next day we come back and do the same thing, gradually John will accept the risk to a certain point where he will go and get the medication. However, if we put John in the community and don't provide adequate support, we'11 harm him. This is a key issue if we look at long term care and people in nursing homes and institutional settings. They are only there because we haven't given them the range of alternatives that enables them to take risks and be more vulnerable in the normal context of living in communities. Another participant shared an example regarding older adults with significant health service needs. Historically we thought that 24 hour supervision was the best thing for elderly frail people. Now we are trying to find different approaches, in order to keep them out of institutions, to keep them in the community longer and longer. It is changing the whole nature of our institutions, many of the programs that we had are inappropriate now. It is important that we carefully ask ourselves, "Who is driving that change?" Participants identified that it makes a big difference if it is older adults who are behind this change, rather than if it is political agendas or finances. We are beginning to shift in terms of creating quasi-institutional settings that may involve more risk for older adults, but provide for better quality of life. We do not know how this will play out in the end, moving away from the nursing home, moving to the community, supportive housing kind of model. We have to be careful to recognize that institutionalization is not an all or nothing scenario. One participant used experience with a youth addictions treatment program as an example. This program tried to help kids live with other families, go to a day program. It involved schooling, sports, a mixture of things in the community. It tried to avoid a rigid, institutionalized treatment approach. Over time, the providers came to realize that they needed a mix of these two things. There are kids who don 't respond to the community approach, so we can 't completely get rid of institutions. There is a whole range ofprograms and services needed. Therefore, we need to get creative about how to make the best match, instead of thinking that there is one way or the other way that will work for all people. There are other examples where risk is not a good thing, where the continuum model does not apply, for example, abuse and neglect. Harm There was concern expressed that our interventions, our programs and services, have the potential to increase risk. Since the designers, the conceptualizers of the programs are very removed from the lived experience of the person, the process of delivering service can amplify the risk. One of the things that often gets missed is how our attempts to intervene may increase the risk. This could include the situation where there is enforced intervention. For example, some people want to force women who are at high risk of foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS) into treatment. I don't know if that is right or wrong, mostly I think it is wrong. Forcing people into treatment in the addictions field never seems to he right. The problem seems to be the wrong intervention to the people who need the most intensive help. In the mental health field the issue of enforced treatment has been a polarized debate, and provides another example. Mental health legislation has tried to create a balance recognizing that treatment outcomes through coercive measures are guaranteed to have repeat admissions and repeat utilization of the same systems. In the legislation there are clear definitional terms on the risk of harm: if you are danger to self or others, if you have the presence of a definable disorder, etc. There are a series of checks and balances. One participant shared the approach to enforced treatment with which he had experience. By putting in a patient advocate system, removing direct committal by a physician 's signature, and putting it through a tribunal process, other alternatives than putting someone in a hospital on a locked ward are explored. It has brought family members, physicians, individuals to the table before the chair of the tribunal to discuss the situation. In some cases, involuntary detention is denied and other alternatives are pursued. In other cases, after listening at the table the patient accepts voluntary treatment. As a result, more people are seeking treatment, but they are taking it voluntarily. That suggests we are going to get better outcomes, longer periods of time between re-admissions, and just better health status for the individual. Another complex area where risk arises is in seniors where mental capability is decreasing. The problems do not arise when the person is clearly defined as a danger, the problems arise in grey areas, as the person is approaching potential harm, when the situation is less clear cut. In those situations, what is the role of the individual, of family members, of professionals? Finally, the interventions themselves can be harmful. Social services and the general system of helping sometimes play out again, the same dysfunctional patterns of relationships and communication that youth experience in their families that harms them. Research Research is key to establishing effective interventions. However, there were a number of problems identified in the area of research. Most of that concern came in the use of research, rather than how the research was done. One participant identified that incomplete research is often utilized in planning programs. Since the effects of risk factors are multiplicative, since they evolve over time, since their effects are not categorical and since social influences are critical, any research that is attempting to identify risk factors for a harmful outcome must be long term. Too often, results of short term studies or incomplete studies are quickly put into practice, when, as the research proceeds, further data and analysis may clarify the effect of the various risk factors. Along the way I am fearful of programs being put in place because of the apparent popularity of an idea, rather than the validity of the empirical findings. If an idea sounds nice, sounds compelling, if the theory is good, it gets closer to a program. One of the things we don't think of is how risk factors combine with each other. If you really want to add greater effectiveness to programs, it is critical to identify a small set of risk factors, that when they are all present will cause a large increase in the possibility of harm. Furthermore, often decisions are based on perceptions or anecdotal evidence rather than evidence. A number of examples were shared. There is a perception among many seniors that they are at great risk of violent crime. Is this based on reality or on the effects of media? There is a portrayal in the media that there are great negative effects of divorce on children. The evidence indicates that there are modest impacts of harm. There is a proliferation of mediation programs in schools to deal with bullying and other forms of violence. They are not based on empirical research, but on anecdotal stories. The fact that available research is not used was also seen as a problem. The thing that overwhelms me is the incredible quality of research in this country and the lack of applicability of that research. When discussing the research that is being done, it was stressed that often research is based on a need to solve certain problems, combined with whatever is politically favourable. Therefore, a lot of our research models are not value free. Including people's experiences in research to identify risk, vulnerability and potential was seen as important. We should avoid defining the reality for a person who is experiencing a risk factor. I want a reality check so that at least lam being more accountable, it is just as important to hear the lived experience of the person. It is important to gather information from a number of sources-literature, service providers, consumers-then to frame our research questions. At the same time, we have to include other evidence that we have learned and know to contribute to risk. How do you communicate research and information? Participants identified that it is important to understand the social context of a problem, and to translate the information and research so that it has meaning to the local community. With regard to youth violence, you may have someone who is in Ottawa and sees that on the average there has been no change in the statistics, and someone else in a local community where there is increased violence. These two will see the world very differently. If program or policy decision is made on research that is the average, the people in the local community will disregard it. We must have a way to continually involve the community and constantly flow the information back. IDENTIFICATION OF RISK AND VULNERABILITY ISSUES IN RELATION TO PROGRAMS AND SERVICES There were a number of problems identified with the current system. One of the frustrations identified was a lack of integration, or working together, of a myriad of sectors. We put lot of interventions in through many sectors: education, mental health, family, community social services, income assistance, justice. But kids still end up in a prisoners docket. We have to have a better way of responding to people's needs and problems, instead of our isolated, problem, crises focussed approach. We need to do more proactive, integrative things. There is a lack of integration within the system, a lack of interface between mental health sector and health care sector, and a lack of interface between long term care and acute care. As a result, risk sometimes fall in between the cracks. As a part of health and social services reform, some participants identified that people are moving into decision-making positions without direct client service experience. Many decisions are being made by people without experience with people, coming from another perspective. Jam concerned that they do not have contact with the reality of the vulnerability of the people that we are concerned about. While participants said they always were and always will be committed to building a community based approach with consumer involvement, there was concern that, The rhetoric around health system reform is rhetoric that someone like myself is comfortable with because it focuses on community. However, often the reality bears no resemblance to real community participation. I think this dissonance has had the opposite effect, creating disillusionment and distancing communities from decision making and confidence in their ability to make decisions and influence decisions. We are in very real danger of losing ground, in fact in the name of making positive changes to the system and reducing risk, we are in danger of having the opposite effect, i.e., increasing risk. Furthermore, shrinking resources are influencing programs and services. Our political intentions are colliding at this time. As resources shrink, we need to spend our resources better, so we have to evaluate our programs. We all know that in order to create a rigorous design and prove outcomes, you may have to narrow what you do. To narrow your program already starts to lose most of the people because you are having a narrower and narrower focus. The same people who are asking us to use resources more effectively, are asking us to prove outcomes, and as a result, our programs become less effective. Systems Will Have to Work Together One participant shared a story of a woman and her daughter who were murdered by the husband/father after abuse and harassment. It is essential that the police and mental health system communicate and work together to decrease the risk of harm in situations like these. Both police and psychiatric services look at the problem through their narrow vision rather than understanding each other. In one example, a voluntary agency is trying to get the police to deal with psychiatric patients more effectively. We have to fundamentally change these systems problems. OPPORTUNITIES FOR LINKAGES The group identified a number of opportunities for linkages to enhance our understanding of risk and vulnerability, promise and potential and to make our work more effective. There are so many organizations and agencies in communities that are a wealth of information about the people that they serve. At the same time, there are so many students looking for a placement for research. It seems hard to make the linkages. Community agencies say they do not have the time /resources to do research. This is a major oversight. Computers and technology have made the capability to do research cheaper and faster. Small capital investment could have a big impact. There are a number of opportunities for placements of health sciences faculty students in the community. However, there has to be respect for knowledge between the university and the community placement agency. There has to be knowledge of confidentiality and the ethical aspects of the service. One of the reasons that it does not happen is that there is not a mutual respect and understanding between the two. The BC Women's Hospital and Health Centre went through a process of consulting women about their health and how the hospital's services could be more responsive. They investigated how they could do work that is collaborative and not single issue focussed. After the consultation, they came up with guiding principles for their work. These included: listening carefully; giving women options; enabling women to be in control; being inclusive of diversity; giving women full information; being aware of socio economic, environment factors of women's lives. They are able to lobby the government with what they have learned. One participant, in a project with the Canadian Mental Health Association, held focus groups with people from the formal and informal sectors, to determine how to work together in a collaborative way to form systems with a consumer focus when dealing with violence against women. Part of the difficulty was the feeling from the informal sector that their experiences and information was not valued by professionals. The professionals, on the other hand, were feeling that they could not be all things to all people. Both groups identified that collaboration is necessary, willingness to work together. There was agreement that a consumer focus is important. How can we work with our current resources and re-allocate them? It is important to develop respect amongst people, to better understand people 's roles. There generally was a lack of awareness of what people did. KEY AREAS THAT REQUIRE ATTENTION In this climate of health care reform, as major shifts are occurring, participants considered the key areas that require attention, related to risk, vulnerability and promise, in the context of this reform.
The moderator ended the day by asking "If you could do two things, what would they be?" Here are some answers.
REFLECTIONS REFLECTIONS In the months following the September 26 - 27, 1996 Roundtable: Risk and Vulnerability - Promise and Potential, participants (and others) had the opportunity to contemplate the proceedings. They were asked to consider a number of questions. Here are their reflections. What are the most important aspects of risk and vulnerability for attention of policy makers, service providers and program planners? A number of common themes emerged from this question.
What are the concerns relating to risk and vulnerability, promise and potential? Participants identified a number of concerns.
This concern is compounded in the present day environment of restructuring. In many work environments there is a lack of security, destruction of morale and competition for funds. This does not create a good climate for the program planning and respect that is needed.
What are the opportunities for collaborative work? "The opportunities are huge and exciting! We need to bring together consumers, providers, program planners, funders and researchers. As well, we need to bring people together across issues."
What are your recommendations for priority areas of attention for policy makers, practitioners, Educators and researchers? Creating Partnerships
Consumer Participation
Education
Research
The way we work
SELECTED APPLICATIONS OF THE CONCEPTS OF RISK AND RESILIENCY
Joining Together Against Violence: An Agenda for Collaborative Action is a dynamic report that describes ways for all concerned with violence - those who experience it, family, friends, other supportive community members and care givers - to work together to effectively deal with this problem. By working together, the risks of mental health problems and other negative outcomes will, hopefully, be reduced. The author emphasizes the importance of two different types of systems working together: the formal system and the informal system.
The Problems There are many myths about violence that result in blaming the victim for the abuse, or dismissing a person's claims of violence. This context of blame and denial can create a feeling of hopelessness for abuse survivors who feel that no one will believe them or respond to their concerns. People who are victims of violence often have difficulty in accessing the services they need to help them heal from abuse. The author identifies a number of reasons for this. There are attitudinal barriers, which result from strongly held beliefs about violence, and structural barriers which result from the way systems have been organized. These barriers are connected. As well, when people have mental health concerns as a result of violence, barriers to healing are compounded by the misconceptions about mental health problems. Furthermore, power inequities make individuals vulnerable to violence and create additional barriers to help for particular groups of people-these inequities include affluence and education; geography; culture; and social isolation. How can we remove these barriers? Some of the barriers can be addressed by service providers taking responsibility for attitudinal and structural changes within their organizations. However, the larger social context can make it difficult for formal and informal service providers to make changes and to collaborate. Cutbacks to funding may mean that groups are in competition with one another. Service providers are already feeling over-worked, adding additional responsibilities like collaborative work may seem unmanageable. Compounding this difficulty is that there is a history of mistrust between grassroots community groups and professionals, partly based on differences in power and access to resources. There needs to be an acknowledgement of these differences, and an understanding that despite a shared goal of collaboration, people are not necessarily coming to the table as equal players. Developing mutual respect, knowledge and understanding of different people's experiences and work roles is crucial to collaborative work. There are four aspects to services and programs that promote collaboration: Assessment Promoting collaboration in assessment involves:
Empowerment This means:
Team Work with Other Organizations Services will be more responsive to the needs of consumers if service providers see their role as trying to ensure that they get comprehensive services and other supports. Being aware of services offered by other professional and community resources that respond to the mental health effects of violence will lead to more complete care for the consumer. Education Providers should be given opportunity to take the same lifelong-learning approach to violence that we take to other areas of work. Developing an agenda for collaborative action
The participants are:
How Does Collaboration Happen?
Beginning to collaborate involves asking questions about how we might work with the various resources that are available for consultation and collaboration.
Long-term work in collaboration involves many things.
Care providers also need to collaborate with consumers on an individual level as part of their regular, day to day practices. This involves listening to the individual and helping her/him determine her/his needs; sharing information and all decision-making regarding her/his healing process; and discussing policies on confidentiality. Collaboration in day-to-day practices can include:
Seniors at Risk: A Conceptual Framework is a thorough review of issues to be considered when employing the concept of risk with older adults. This synopsis describes the conceptual framework for risk and older adults that the report developed. The author defines risk as the likelihood (probability) of encountering harm or loss. The author states that risk is not considered
a discrete entity, rather than a relative concept. Risks, in fact, exist
on a continuum ranging from those that are minimally harmful to a person
to those that are life-threatening. Furthermore, personal risks exist
on a continuum, from those that people pursue as opportunities, to those
over which they have little choice. This is shown in the following diagram.
The author also describes a "social continuum" of risk. Along this continuum risks are defined as those which society is willing to accept, to those risks which are considered unacceptable or unreasonable. While the personal risk continuum is based on choice, the social risk continuum is based on societal notions of acceptable and unacceptable outcomes. Risk and Older Adults The concept of risk is applied to older adults more often than any other age group. This is partially due to fact. However, it is more commonly a reflection of stereotypes and generalizations about older adults. The aging process is seen as leaving older adults frail and more susceptible to a number of problems: disease, disability, dependency, dementia and premature death. Older adults are seen as having lesser resources and abilities to deal with these potential outcomes. It is clear that deciding what is acceptable or unacceptable risk for older adults is not a neutral process. It involves someone, usually not an older adult, envisioning a 'normal' older adult and the 'normal' situation and the quality of life expected for (or by) older adults. These judgements are value based and are also politically and ideologically defined. The author states that risk is not a neutral concept. It involves determining what are acceptable or unacceptable consequences. Society assigns considerable value to individual autonomy. There is considerable freedom given to the kinds of risks adults can accept for themselves without interference. However, if older adults engage in what is considered risky behaviour, they face a strong possibility that someone will begin to question their sensibility or even their mental competence. In ignoring potential risks, older adults face the possibility of having others dismiss their wishes and make decisions for them. It is an oversimplification to categorize all older adults as being at risk of some negative outcome. The term 'older adults' represents people of a wide age range, spanning over 40 years and two generations. They are a socially, demographically and economically diverse group. Therefore, different groups of older adults are at more or less risk of various problems. What Constitutes Serious Risk? The risks that are considered to be most serious are usually those that deny older adults their basic physical, emotional and social needs. The author also proposes that the seriousness of a risk is a combination of:
Probability of Risk Some problems are considered particularly serious for older adults because they are more likely to happen to them than to the general population. There are a number of examples:
Increased risks may result from internal phenomena, such as hormonal and physiological changes accompanying aging, or from external circumstance such as forced retirement or deterioration in neighbourhoods. Impact of Risk Other risks are considered serious because they affect older adults more unfavourably than they would younger adults. For example, people of all ages contract influenza each year; however, older adults are more likely to have underlying conditions that makes them more vulnerable to serious outcomes of influenza. Immediacy of Risk For older adults, a specific risk is often the result of minor risk factors gradually building up to a crisis point. Interventions are more commonly used for immediate harms (crises), while prevention measures are more commonly used for harms that are emerging more slowly. A Conceptual Framework for Risk The author describes risk as the interrelationship of three elements: risk factors, resources and life experiences. Risk factors are those things which predispose a person to a particular negative outcome.
Resources available are the personal, social and environmental supports:
Life experiences are reflected in the way in which people think of themselves and their environment. They may influence risk positively or negatively in several ways.
Enabling factors may modify the relationship among these three elements.
Some of the enabling factors relating to the abuse of older adults include: social attitudes about privacy in people's lives; social assumptions about older adults' competence, assuming that they are unable to properly make financial decisions; and social structures that isolate some seniors, thus making it easier for the abuse to occur undetected. Once the risk has been realized, other factors can reinforce the risk. Reinforcing factors include:
A Guide to the Literature on the Effectiveness of Prevention of Mental Health Problems for those at Risk reviews the literature regarding the effectiveness of strategies to prevent mental health disorders in populations at risk. It is a thorough review that includes contributions from both the research and practice settings. As a result of this extensive review, the author concludes that the knowledge base for some mental disorders has now, in the opinion of many researchers and practitioners, reached the point where a shift to major prevention efforts is warranted. The report stresses two important findings.
The report identifies a number of mental
disorders for which accumulated risk factors can be identified and suggests
that major preventive intervention research is now possible for these
disorders. This is what the author recommends:
For other mental disorders, particularly those which are strongly linked to genetic factors such as schizophrenia and Alzheimer's disease, preventive interventions are not currently warranted. However, improved treatment interventions have been recommended for individuals with these disorders in order to improve or delay the course of the illness. The author identifies that approaches which use risk reduction or protection enhancement may be the most effective. This is because most risk and protective factors are not unique to a single mental disorder. Identifying clusters of related risk or protective factors can be used to identify groups or individuals for whom to target interventions. Risk and protective factors interact in a complex fashion, and involve individual, family and community influences. As well, factors have differing effects at different life stages. Therefore, it is essential that preventive interventions be multi-faceted and appropriately timed with respect to sensitive periods. Studies have revealed that many people (especially children, adolescents and older adults) do not seek professional help with mental health problems. Therefore, it is important that preventive interventions involve active efforts to reach out to the targeted groups. There are specific components related to intervention design that the author describes as important when addressing this problem:
Including these components will help to ensure that prevention efforts are effective and sustained.
The newly formed BC Women's Health Centre was interested in determining what the provincial role of their facility should be. In order to accomplish this they conducted a community consultation which reached more than 600 women in communities across the province and almost 200 health service providers. Staff from BC Women's formed a core working group to carry out the consultation and a research consultant assisted in the development of the consultation method and the analysis of the information. A steering committee of government and women's health organizations across the province guided the process. The consultation used two approaches: discussion groups in communities across the province and telephone interviews with health service providers. The discussion groups included women from urban, rural and remote areas of BC. Specific arrangements were made to ensure the inclusion of women with disabilities, women in prison, adolescents, seniors, Aboriginal women living in urban areas and on reserves, visible minority women, immigrant and refugee women, women with experience in the mental health system, lesbians and women from the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver. The resulting report provides an illuminating, personal account of what women in BC believe to be their health issues, the factors that put them at risk of health problems, or help them to stay healthy. We at times felt overwhelmed by the weight of women 's experiences and by the apparent magnitude of the changes that are required. But we have also been inspired by women resilience and their willingness to work together. We are encouraged by the realization that there are many small changes that can make a significant impact on women 's health and women ~ experiences in the health care system. What Were The Findings? When the women talked about health, they talked about their lives. They talked about their lives as wives and partners, mothers, daughters, caregivers, workers, neighbours and community volunteers. They talked about how social and economic factors influence women's health and the way women are treated in the health care system. They talked in particular about: Poverty Women were angry and frustrated about the impact of poverty on their own and on their children's lives. "Understanding of poverty is a definite issue here-you need money to be able to buy food to meet daily food guidelines. It 's well and good to have the guidelines, but you have to know how you can meet them when you're on a fixed income." Violence and abuse All ages of women described violence as an issue: young teenage women, women who had small children, middle-aged women and older women. "He beat me if I looked at another guy, and he would hit my girlfriend because she supported me ... I wasn't allowed to talk to anyone on the phone and could not go downtown. If there was someone to talk to, I would have gone, but I thought there was nothing wrong with the situation." Social and emotional support Women talked about their experiences of social isolation. They need more social support. This was particularly of concern to immigrant and refugee women. "Coming here, I've had extreme emotional problems trying to adjust to life in Canada. Jam so worried about my family. They are in such a volatile situation, I'm not sure when I'll ever see my mom again." The media Women, particularly teens, recognized the impact of the media on their lives and health, and how they feel about themselves. "Self-esteem thing is the biggest problem and it is everywhere. Barbie has a 36 inch bust and a 21 inch waist and no one can live up to this not matter what." What Did They Say about Health Care? Women and service providers had very specific ideas about what would make the health care system better. Women talked about wanting the health care system to be focused on health and wellness, addressing physical, emotional and spiritual well-being. They want health care providers to look at them as whole people, not just "a bunch of symptoms". Women were concerned about the health care system's current reliance on the medical model, stressing the absence of disease and focusing on the physical dimensions of health. They felt that normal changes occurring in women's lives, such as childbirth and menopause, have become medical events. On the other hand, women said that in other circumstances, their physical concerns are ignored and attributed to their mental states or reproductive cycles. Many women and service providers emphasized that mental health services need to be a more integral part of the health care system. They felt that the current mental health system is not meeting the needs of women. There was concern about the amount of psychotropic medications being prescribed. Women wanted the health care system to be more accessible. They identified a wide range of factors that limit access:
Women wanted a health care system that is flexible and responsive. They wanted:
One of the most predominant frustrations the women had, was with the time and attention they received during doctor's appointments. They talked about not feeling heard or validated by health care providers, feeling dehumanized, and having their own knowledge of their bodies discounted. Many service providers saw the need for training to increase the sensitivity of health care workers. Women and service providers wanted the health system to use resources more efficiently and to be more accountable for producing intended outcomes. Suggested solutions related to a number of areas included:
On February 25th and 26th, 1996, a group of service providers, program planners and young people gathered to have a Round Table Discussion on the topic of Youth, Violence and Sexuality: What it Means for Programs and Services. This meeting followed the production of a Discussion Paper entitled, Violence and Its Impact on Youth and Youth Sexuality: Implications for Programs and Services. The purpose of the Round Table discussion was to share concrete examples and stories of what has worked, what is working, the barriers and challenges faced by young people and service providers, and ways to move ahead. The discussion paper clearly identified that a substantial number of young people come through childhood and youth laden with violence. They are either violated personally, have lived with violence in their home, or knew of other people's violence. It also identified that the experience and fear of violence in the lives of children and young people has the potential of interfering with their healthy growth and development: emotionally, spiritually, physically and sexually. It affects their self-esteem, their sense of autonomy, and their trust in the world and other people, which all in turn influence how they form their sexual identity and how they participate in sexual relationships. The participants of the Round Table also identified a number of issues that contribute to the risk and vulnerability of young people with regard to violence and their developing sexuality. Four broad categories are noteworthy:
Attitudes of Society, including Organizations and Service Providers There are many attitudes that prevail in society, which are embraced by our institutions and those who serve in them, that can increase risk and vulnerability.
"Gay, lesbian or bisexual young people who are on the street are not served by the agencies for at-risk youth because often these agencies are homophobic. The shelters, the drug programs and the child we~fare system are not safe for these kids." Support for the Helpers Support for those who help young people-staff and volunteers-is critical. Resources are dwindling, fewer and fewer people are asked to do more and more. There is the serious potential of loss and burn out. As those who help become more exhausted, the risks of the young people needing help increase.
Accessibility and Timing Our institutions and services are often not accessible to young people. This is for a variety of reasons:
Relationships Between Helpers and Youth Building trust between care givers and youth was seen as pivotal to supporting young people and therefore decreasing their risk and vulnerability. Unless we are open, honest, and share of ourselves, building this trust will be very difficult.
Recommendations The group made a number of recommendations for action. This is what they said. At the personal level we need to:
Within our organizations we need to:
To share program/resource information effectively we need to:
To continue networking we need to:
To strengthen the level of support and resources for youth issues we need to:
To develop effective programs/policies we need to:
In terms of public education, we need to:
In terms of media strategies, we need to:
In terms of youth-based program ideas, we need to:
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