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Minister's Speeches Archive
The Canadian Forces Mission in Afghanistan - Canadian Policy and Values in Action - Ottawa, Ontario
Ottawa, Ontario - September 29, 2005
NOTE: The following transcript is presented in the language(s) in which it occurred. There is no translation available. We are providing the transcript for your information.
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Introduction
It is a pleasure to be here today to speak to you about what I believe to be the most important foreign operation the Canadian Forces have undertaken in many years: our mission to Afghanistan.
Canadians should know why their government has called upon our military to go to Afghanistan at this time, how this new mission is a logical extension of Canada's previous commitments to this country, how it reflects our history, how it is an example of our new defence and foreign policies in action, and how it is an expression of Canadian values.
Canada's New Foreign and Defence Policies
Several months ago, the Government of Canada published a series of papers on our foreign and defence policies. Together these papers are designed to chart the course of Canadian foreign and defence policy for at least the next decade.
These documents were not academic exercises, they were informed by recent global history and born of experience, particularly the international experience of the Canadian Forces over the past 15 years in places as diverse and challenging as Somalia, the Balkans, Haiti and Afghanistan. The one unifying feature running through these very different places was that none of these states were able to provide an acceptable level of security for their citizens or fulfill their international obligations. They were or are, failed or failing states.
As a result of this experience, both the defence and international policy statements identify the concept of failed and failing states as the organizing principle for Canada's future foreign military operations.
These terms - failed and failing states - have only come into widespread use in the post - Cold War period. As the strategic equilibrium of that period gave way to a more unstable world after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, many countries and regions saw long-suppressed economic, ethnic, religious and other social cleavages, bubble to the surface, creating what amounted to “state failure” during the 1990's and into this century.
Il n'y a pas de définition précise du terme «état en situation d'échec», ni même de consensus sur le nombre de pays qui répondent à cette définition. Mais d'après les estimations, il y aurait entre 20 et 30, et nous pouvons nous entendre sur leurs attributs. En premier lieu vient l'existence de conflits armés à l'intérieur de leurs frontières. Cette situation est souvent accompagnée par des famines, des pandémies, des mouvements de réfugiés, et par la faiblesse du gouvernement ou son absence sur une grande partie de leur territoire.
Ce phénomène est sans aucun doute une des principales menace à la paix et à la sécurité mondiale en cette première partie de siècle. C'est pourquoi il est au cœur des nouvelles politiques étrangère et de défense du Canada, qui indiquent clairement que nous devons intervenir dans ces pays non seulement à cause de l'instabilité géopolitique qu'ils génèrent en tant que viviers du terrorisme et du crime organisé, mais aussi parce que la souffrance et le mépris des droits de la personne qu'ils représentent sont un affront aux valeurs fondamentales du Canada.
De plus, nous sommes conscients que pour notre propre sécurité, nous ne pouvons pas fermer les yeux sur ce qui se passe dans ces pays. Les attentats de New York, Londres et Madrid, nous l'ont rappelé de façon percutante.
En effet, ce sont ces considérations qui nous ont amené à adopter le concept de la «responsabilité de protéger» aux Nations Unies. Ce concept indique comment et dans quelles conditions la communauté internationale devrait intervenir dans situations de ce genre.
Compelling geopolitical and security rationales, then, are at the basis for why failed and failing states must be the central focus of our international efforts. But there is another, specifically Canadian reason as well. We have demonstrated a particular advantage over many other advanced countries in assisting such troubled states and peoples.
Dealing with situations in failed or failing states is not simply about waging war “over there”. Rather, it requires a complex set of skills and instruments, including combat capabilities, negotiation and diplomatic skills, and a willingness to help others rebuild their institutions in a way that is culturally sensitive to their distinct local needs.
These are attributes the Canadian Forces have in spades largely due to the combination of our military's vast experience in peacekeeping operations around the world since the 1950's, the enviable war fighting history of the Canadian military, notably during the World Wars and the Korean War, and our more recent experience in complex environs like the Balkans.
Few militaries in the world have this range of history and experience. This, in turn, has instilled in our military culture, and our people, a rich array of skills and attributes. Indeed, I believe this is Canada's military comparative advantage for dealing with the major international defence and security challenges that confront us in the 21 st century.
After all, our men and women in uniform embody Canadian values of tolerance and respect combined with a steely determination to defend our rights. These values are a result of our history as a bilingual and multicultural nation that has, over the years become one of the world's most successful models of embracing cultural differences in one of the world's most diverse populations.
It is that history, that willingness to accommodate and work together, that general Tim Grant spoke about in Edmonton the other day. He spoke of how we will reach out and win over the local population while also bringing stability to the region, with what he calls, and I proudly agree, our “warrior diplomats.”
Moreover, the Government of Canada's “3-D Approach”, which integrates defence, diplomacy and development assistance in our international operations, is tailor made to a policy emphasis on failed and failings states. This holistic and integrative approach gives Canada comparative strength in achieving objectives on the ground, whether that is security and stabilization, humanitarian relief, institution building or economic development.
And the troubled country of Afghanistan, where the Canadian Forces has been deployed consistently since 2002 in varying numbers and missions, is a quintessential example of where we can effectively bring these assets to bear.
I need not remind this audience of the unfortunate history of war and misrule that has characterized Afghanistan's recent history culminating in the rule of the Taliban and their support for all al-Qaeda and their attack on New York.
September 11 th , when many Canadians died alongside their American colleagues, led to the United Nations' authorization of a coalition intervention in Afghanistan. An intervention in which we participated, sending in 2002, some 800 soldiers into the Kandahar region to help root out the remaining Taliban and al-Qaeda forces in one of their last strongholds. It was a highly successful, although dangerous mission, resulting in four tragic fatalities as well as injured personnel.
There can be no doubt that this was the right mission for Canada, both as a substantive contribution to the international effort to fight terrorism, and as a tangible effort to help re-build a war-torn country.
Subsequently, Canada spearheaded the effort to have NATO take over the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Kabul. The ISAF, today an 8,000 strong, 35-nation force, was established by the international community to stabilize the capital, and provide security for the Afghan transitional government. When NATO took over ISAF in 2003, Canada contributed the largest contingent of forces to the mission, numbering close to 2,000. And in 2004 a Canadian General, Rick Hillier, now Chief of the Defence Staff, took command of this multi-lateral mission.
ISAF has been, and continues to be, instrumental in providing the stability and security the Afghan government needs to extend its authority throughout the country. It was crucial to the successful and relatively peaceful presidential elections of last year. And when we watched parliamentary and provincial elections just a week ago we had the gratifying sight of Afghans, particularly women, defying threats of violence and intimidation, going to the polls in record numbers.
Désormais, le pouvoir en Afghanistan sera déterminé par le nombre de votes plutôt que par le nombre de fusils. Et les lois seront promulguées par le Parlement plutôt que par les autorités tribales.
Je suis convaincu que la fias était la mission appropriée pour le Canada, bien que, comme la mission à Kandahar, elle se soit révélée dangereuse. En effet, elle a coûté la vie à trois de nos compatriotes, et d'autres ont été blessés.
Depuis plus de trois ans, grâce à sa présence militaire et à son aide au développement qui dépasse les 600 millions de dollars, le Canada déploie des efforts considérables pour maintenir la sécurité en Afghanistan et reconstruire le pays. Des progrès réels ont été accomplis, notamment la restauration graduelle des institutions et de la société civile.
Néanmoins, l'Afghanistan peut encore être considéré comme état fragile. Les insurgés extrémistes demeurent actifs dans certaines régions du pays, et ils cherchent à reprendre le pouvoir, à terroriser la population et à déstabiliser le gouvernement. L'économie de l'Afghanistan est très dépendante du trafic international des stupéfiants, et par conséquent, le pays est extrêmement vulnérable au crime organisé.
Aujourd'hui, l'Afghanistan est à un tournant de son histoire. Des progrès substantiels ont été accomplis, mais l'Afghanistan a besoin de l'engagement de la communauté internationale pour devenir un pays pacifique, stable et prospère. Sans un engagement ferme, multiforme et à long terme de la communauté internationale, l'Afghanistan risque de redevenir un état en situation d'échec de se transformer en «narco-état». Ce n'est pas dans notre intérêt.
Le Canada et la communauté internationale ne peuvent pas se permettre d'abandonner l'Afghanistan, ou même de réduire leur engagement envers ce pays dans lequel ils ont investi des ressources humaines et financières considérables au cours des dernières années.
That is why the Government has decided to increase Canada's military commitment to Afghanistan over the next several months. In fact, by early next year, our military presence and role in Afghanistan will be greater and more varied than it has been to date, notwithstanding significant contributions over the past three years.
Just last month, the Canadian Forces returned to Kandahar and established a Provincial Reconstruction Team comprised of about 250 Canadian Forces members as well as officials from CIDA, the RCMP and Foreign Affairs.
The intent of the Provincial Reconstruction Team concept is to assist the Afghan authorities in providing governance and security, as well as delivering basic services to citizens. It is a concept that is highly consistent with Canadian values and expertise. It also corresponds with the thrust of our defence and international policy statements.
Provincial Reconstruction Teams, or PRT's, have been established by various NATO countries throughout Afghanistan. Canada chose to deploy a PRT to Kandahar because it is a region we know well, having been there before. It is also one of the provinces most in need of security and re-building. Kandahar is a big challenge for the international community and for Canada, but we know we can make a real difference there, given our past experience and expertise.
In February, the Canadian Forces will also be deploying into Kandahar province a brigade headquarters of about 350 personnel that will command the multi-national force there for nine months. At the same time, we will be deploying a Task Force of about 1,000 troops into Kandahar for one year. As an essential complement to the reconstruction efforts of our PRT, this force will provide much needed security in the region.
We have also recently deployed elements of JTF2, Canada's elite special- forces unit, into southern Afghanistan to work with our allies in counter-insurgency operations, again to help provide security and stability so re-building can take place.
Finally, we are providing a Strategic Advisory Team of approximately 15 - 17 civilian and military planners and support staff to advise the Afghan government on defence and national security issues for a year. Their job is to enable the Afghan government to run their own affairs.
So as you can see, Canada's military commitment to Afghanistan now and going forward is significant and multi-faceted, reflecting the complex challenges on the ground.
These operations are crucial for the people of that country and for their government. I have personally heard on several occasions, from both President Karzai and Foreign Minister Abdullah, how much the Afghan government and people value and appreciate Canada's contribution to the stabilization and reconstruction of their country.
And I have also heard from our NATO allies who value the quality of our participation there and the contribution that we are making in ensuring the success of the mandate that the United Nations conferred on NATO. Nor should we underestimate just how much this participation contributes to Canada's standing in the international community, where there is a universal appreciation of the threat posed by an unstable Afghanistan.
So, from a Canadian perspective, our mission in Afghanistan is totally consistent with Canada's new international and defence policies; in fact, it is the first and most significant tangible expression of those policies in action. Our role in Afghanistan is also quintessentially Canadian: we are helping re-build a troubled country and we are giving hope for the future to a long-suffering people. This is a clear expression of our Canadian values at work.
That point was brought home to me just last week when I was in Quebec City speaking to students at Laval about the nature of our modern peacekeeping missions. Two women from Afghanistan in the audience came up to me afterwards and thanked Canada for how our troops are transforming their country and creating an environment where Afghan families can begin to rebuild their lives with security. They particularly emphasized how the status of women has improved with the presence of international troops.
We also spoke of their aspirations for a normal life in their country, something that was clear to me last year when I met with several hundred Afghan women in Toronto who are working with courage and determination to transform their country.
Just how much our troops are achieving was also clear to me the next day when I attended a ceremony for the Royal 22 Regiment, the famous “Van Doos”, at the Citadel with the Governor General. There I talked to Sergeant Fortier who has seen tours of duty in Cyprus, Bosnia, and Afghanistan.
He told me of his first mission to Kabul where, during the course of his six month tour, he saw a city that was dark at night with no electricity and only furtive movement on the streets return to life with light restored and the joyful sight of young girls on the way to school.
Later that day we witnessed the presentation of a Commander's Citation to Captain Rodriguez for his efforts in bringing a young Afghan boy to Toronto for an operation at the hospital for sick children that saved his life.
Examples of these actions, from the work of Colonel Brooks in Herat who helped construct a burn clinic in the local hospital, to the countless small actions of kindness to civilians are the reasons that our troops are welcomed and supported by the Afghan population in their mission.
So when I hear voices who call for the withdrawal of our troops, who suggest that we are engaged there in a war against Islam, as a recent visiting British politician suggested, I say: Let them talk to the Afghans, Afghans who are Muslims themselves, Afghans who want us there to help them transform their country and allow them to live decent lives; to allow them to conduct fair and democratic elections free from fear and intimidation.
That said, Canadians should be under no illusion; Kandahar is a very complex, challenging and dangerous environment and mission. The part of Afghanistan we are going to is among the most unstable and dangerous in the country. Indeed, that is why we have been asked to go there and why we are going there.
Canadians can be assured that our troops are exceptionally well trained, equipped and led for this mission. I spoke with some of them as they left for Kandahar. They are confident in their ability to accomplish this task with all the professional competence that has marked their previous endeavors. Among them are those who have served there before; they know from their experience that this will be dangerous work with a high risk of injury and the potential for casualties that comes with the job.
Canadians, too, must recognize this aspect of their mission and be ready to support them in every way if that occurs.
Afghanistan and 21st Century Peacekeeping
There has been some attention in the media over the summer on the nature of our Afghanistan operation. Some have described this as a peacekeeping mission, while others have characterized it as a radical departure from Canada's traditional role as peacekeepers today.
This, in my view, is a rather abstract and academic debate. This mission is not about terminology. It blends many elements, including peacekeeping and combat. No simple term describes it. General Romeo Dallaire, who experienced more than his fair share of the challenges these missions pose for a Commander, put it this way:
“The era of a General who only knows how to fight is gone. A General must know how to be a diplomat and a humanist. Generals who argue that we only go in with clear mandates and time frames – sorry. We're in an era of complexity and ambiguity, and if you can't operate in ambiguity, you've got a problem.”
Clearly, we could not effectively do what we are doing in Afghanistan if we did not have a long, internationally respected, and proud history of peacekeeping around the world, which has instilled a special culture and skill-set in the Canadian Forces, that few militaries possess. Of equal importance, the Canadian Forces could not effectively carry out this mission absent the ability to engage in active combat and deal with violent aggressors.
They are more than capable in this regard as well and have a proud history of experience and success in combat, including their recent experience in Afghanistan itself.
Some people think we should consign the term peacekeeping to the history books as a relic of the Cold War. Others cling to it as a Canadian touchstone. After all, Canadians invented the concept of peacekeeping, we have an unparalleled history in peacekeeping operations, and the term reflects who we are as a people.
Canadians believe passionately in peace - in promoting it, in building it, and in keeping it. Our Constitution is unique in the world in having “Peace, Order and Good Government” at its core. Resorting to war or conflict is the absolute last resort for Canadians and that includes our military who have experienced it. As Erasmus put it: “War is sweet to those who do not know it.”
En ce qui concerne l'évolution des opérations de maintien de la paix, je suis d'accord avec le Général Dallaire, qui fait la distinction entre les missions de maintien de la paix classique, menées par des forces militaires légèrement armées qui s'interposent entre deux anciennes factions combattantes, et les opérations militaires multilatérales plus complexes qui ont été le lot de nos forces armées au cours de la dernière décennie.
Le Général Dallaire n'abandonne pas le concept de maintien de la paix, mais il le met à jour pour l'adapter aux nouvelles réalités. Comme d'autres spécialistes, il signale avec justesse que pour être efficaces, les «soldats de la paix» d'aujourd'hui ont besoin d'un mandat et de règles d'engagement plus robustes et plus flexibles, et de meilleures capacités de combat.
Les Canadiens ne sont pas des colonisateurs. Nous essayons d'apporter à l'Afghanistan et aux autres états défaillants ou en situation d'échec ce qui nous apparaît comme des valeurs universelles, soit la paix, l'ordre et le bon gouvernement.
Fondamentalement, c'est pour cette raison que nous sommes en Afghanistan depuis 2002, avec tous les sacrifices que cela implique. Et c'est pourquoi nous allons accroître notre présence dans ce pays, aujourd'hui et dans les années à venir.
Conclusion
As I conclude these remarks, I can envisage the faces of those men and women of the Canadian Forces that I saw off to Afghanistan from Edmonton and those now training for the larger mission in February. They are the face of Canada. They join countless others like Sgt Fortier, Capt Rodriguez, and Colonel Brooks: Open, generous, sensitive to the culture and the needs of their far away destination, willing to take risks and determined to use their considerable skills to bring stability to the lives of people living in hard conditions.
With their colleagues from the RCMP and CIDA, theirs will be the face of Canada for the people of Kandahar, as those of earlier colleagues were for Kabul. And experience tells us that the positive image of our country that they will generate will contribute to the great reputation that we Canadians benefit from around the world.
Forty-five years ago, in 1960, I had the privilege of driving through Afghanistan; from Herat in the west, to Kandahar in the south, Kabul and Bahmian in the North East and south to Pakistan through the fabled Khyber Pass, itself a constant reminder of wars of the eighteenth century imperial “great game”. This was a poor country, one of hard mountain landscapes of Gurdjieff but with green agricultural valleys inhabited by self-sufficient shepherds and farmers with a tradition of generous hospitality for their infrequent visitors.
Today, after 30 years of Soviet occupation, ethnic violence, Taliban rule and war it is another place entirely. Destruction and suspicion have replaced hearth and hospitality but hope in reconstruction is strong.
Many of us have heard President Kharzai speak of his dream to see once again the Afghanistan of his youth; a country of pomegranates, grapes and valleys of peace and hospitality, of a proud, self sufficient and independent people. I know that our troops that are there will do their utmost to realize that dream such that Afghanistan will no longer be a source of problems but regain its place as a stable and prosperous member of the family of nations.
We Canadians, who have the privilege of living in one of the most blessed countries on earth, should take pride in sharing in that dream and our very real contribution to its realization.
Thank you very much for the opportunity to address this audience on this vitally important subject.
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