MR. KILGOUR - ADDRESS TO STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA - VANCOUVER, BRITISH COLUMBIA
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NOTES FOR AN ADDRESS BY
THE HONOURABLE DAVID KILGOUR
SECRETARY OF STATE (LATIN AMERICA AND AFRICA)
TO STUDENTS AT THE
UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
VANCOUVER, British Columbia
November 1, 1997
It is a pleasure to address a group of students and know that I don't need to
convince you of the need to look beyond Canada's borders. You already realize that
we live in a shrinking world. It is becoming harder to differentiate between
"domestic" and "international" issues. More and more, the boundaries are blurred.
Mexican writer Carlos Fuentes has said: "Every North American, before this century
is over, will find that he or she has a personal frontier with Latin America. This
is a living frontier, which can be nourished by information but, above all, by
knowledge, by understanding, by the pursuit of enlightened interest on both
parts."
Fuentes meant "North American" in the sense that most Latin Americans use the term
-- to refer to citizens of the United States. But today it is equally true that no
Canadian is unaffected by our relationship with Latin America.
As Secretary of State for Latin America and Africa, I am excited that my portfolio
deals with some of the most dynamic areas in Canada's foreign relations. In 1995,
the Canadian government in its foreign policy statement identified Latin America
as one region where Canada's geographic location gives it an important advantage.
For many years, when Canadians looked southward, we tended not to see beyond the
United States. Our entry into the Organization of American States [OAS], in 1990,
was a clear political signal of our desire to play a more active role in
hemispheric issues. We hoped that our involvement in the OAS would lead to a
revitalization of regional intergovernmental institutions.
In the early 1990s, Canada negotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement --
NAFTA -- with the United States and Mexico. This was the first regional trade
agreement in the world involving developing and developed countries. During the
same period, we extended our resident diplomatic representation to practically all
countries of the region.
In 1994, Prime Minister Chrétien participated in the Miami Summit of the Americas,
where democratically elected leaders from 34 countries agreed on a partnership for
development and prosperity. This partnership would be based on a commitment to
democratic practices, economic integration and social justice.
In March next year, that process will continue with the Summit of the Americas in
Santiago, Chile. These talks aim to lay the groundwork for a future Free Trade
Area of the Americas by 2005. They will also address other important social
development issues, including education.
Meanwhile, Canada has been pursuing closer trading relations throughout the
region. This year, Canada and Chile concluded a bilateral free trade agreement.
This was an expression of Canada's desire to continue with a trading agenda at a
time when some in the U.S. Congress are reluctant to give fast-track approval for
negotiations to include Chile in the NAFTA.
Canada is also talking trade with other regional groupings, such as MERCOSUR, the
Andean Pact, CARICOM and the Central American Common Market. We look forward to
trade partnerships with members of these groups as we move toward hemispheric free
trade.
Let me draw your attention to Canada's efforts to develop enhanced trading
relations with MERCOSUR. This regional trade pact includes Argentina, Brazil,
Uruguay and Paraguay. Canada exported nearly $1.7 billion to these four countries
in 1996, and absorbed imports of $1.4 billion. The Canadian government is trying
to lay the groundwork that will allow more and smoother trading between MERCOSUR
and Canada.
Last month Prime Minister Chrétien announced that in January next year a Team
Canada trade mission will visit Mexico, Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The mission
will be patterned on our previous successful Team Canada missions to Asia, which
brought together our provincial leaders with our federal leaders in promoting
economic growth for all of us.
I should note that although my formal title is Secretary of State (Latin America
and Africa), I am also responsible for the Caribbean, including the Commonwealth
Caribbean.
Although the Caribbean is geographically close to Latin America, our trading
relationships with the two regions have been quite different. Canada has enjoyed a
long historic relationship with the Commonwealth Caribbean. We share a common
language and common political and legal traditions, based on our ties with
Britain. The Bank of Nova Scotia had a branch in the Caribbean before it was in
Toronto -- if you can believe it! We don't need to talk about the rum trade that
has been going on between Canada and the Caribbean for years. We have sometimes
been inclined to take the Caribbean for granted. This is a serious mistake. The
countries of the Commonwealth Caribbean are among our closest friends on the
international stage. In our recent bid for Calgary 2005, 11 of the 25 votes we got
were from CARICOM states.
Africa's emergence as a stable, prosperous continent is important to every other
continent in the world. The Canadian bond with Africa has continued to build since
the days of John Diefenbaker and Mike Pearson. Both leaders saw what Africa means
to the world and is capable of contributing. I am an Africa optimist.
The end of apartheid in South Africa and the spread of democracy in other African
countries gives the world increasing hope that Africa's potential will be
realized. We Canadians must continue to lend assistance.
Recently I visited Uganda, Rwanda and Kenya and saw for myself that Africa is
changing and our stereotypes are obsolete. In Kampala, I learned that fully 2,000
companies have located operations in Uganda in recent years. Similarly, in Rwanda,
close observers say that there has been real economic progress for some --
certainly not all -- since the catastrophe of 1994, and that the government in
office is genuinely seeking reconciliation among its constituent communities.
In Kenya, despite large problems, there appears to be a recent national stepping
back from the abyss. Our delegation arrived shortly after a multiparty committee
of members of parliament had agreed on a comprehensive package of reforms. This
now appears to be on its way to enactment in full before the election, which must
be held in this calendar year. In short, there is a basis for optimism in all
three nations.
I would argue that Canada's foreign policy in the 1990s has, for the most part,
been not only intelligent, but also exciting, particularly in recent years.
Let's look at Canada's campaign to ban anti-personnel landmines. It is perhaps the
most obvious example of this country taking a lead on an issue that could have
been ignored because:
(a) it wasn't popular in military circles; and
(b) it does not personally concern many important people around the world.
Important people don't spend a lot of time walking through fields and down paths
that are likely to explode under them at any given moment. Millions of poor
civilians do.
It is an important issue. It tells ordinary people that they matter. There are an
estimated hundred million landmines lurking around the world, waiting to blow
children to bits -- for no other reason than that these kids took one false step on
land that should sustain them.
As you know, Canada has played a significant role in the grass-roots activism that
should lead us -- must lead us -- to a meaningful international accord on the
banning of anti-personnel mines.
In early December, more than 90 countries are expected to sign a treaty toward
this end in Ottawa, as one more step in what has become known as the Ottawa
Process. Canadians should be proud.
The fight to obliterate anti-personnel landmines is just one component of Foreign
Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy's commitment to the concept of sustainable human
security, which he has twice advanced in formal presentations to the United
Nations General Assembly. A next important project will be efforts to limit the
global trade in small arms.
Canada has found a niche for itself in the area of human rights. Our approach is
evolutionary, not coercive. Even if we wanted to force change, we have to face the
fact that Canada simply does not have the economic leverage or the international
clout to do so. We can, however, work from within to support non-governmental
organizations -- NGOs -- and develop a space in which civil society can grow.
Support for human rights improvements can take different avenues. In countries
that are prepared to engage with us on even a limited scale, such as Cuba, we will
work for evolutionary change. For regimes that are unwilling to enter into any
sort of dialogue or exchange whatsoever, such as Burma or Nigeria, we will work
for broader international action to press those regimes to change their ways.
Next year we will celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Canada will do its utmost during the year to convince governments
everywhere that the suppression of human rights can only lead to the kind of
bitterness that creates political uprisings.
We aren't perfect. We have work to do in our own backyard on issues of the
environment and human rights -- issues that are so important internationally. But
while we are working on our own problems, we have to be working on the world's
problems as well. Because, when the circle is closed, they are our problems too.
Let me give the final word to Octavio Paz, the Mexican diplomat and poet. In his
reflections on contemporary history, One Earth, Four or Five Worlds, Paz notes
that all great nations have prudence, which he defines as wisdom and integrity,
boldness and moderation, discernment and persistence in undertakings. The aim of
our country, both domestically and internationally, should be this notion of
prudence.
Thank you.