MR. KILGOUR - ADDRESS TO THE TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM - OTTAWA, ONTARIO
CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY
NOTES FOR AN ADDRESS BY
THE HONOURABLE DAVID KILGOUR,
SECRETARY OF STATE (ASIA-PACIFIC),
TO
TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL'S SYMPOSIUM,
TOWARD EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE OECD
ANTI-BRIBERY CONVENTION,
ON
"THE RESPONSIBILITY TO ACT AGAINST CORRUPTION"
OTTAWA, Ontario
May 12, 2003
It should go without saying--especially in this room--that Transparency International (TI), although only 10
years old, is already one of the most respected NGOs on the planet. For years, you and I have referred to its
reports and have seen the esteem that they've earned internationally for their candour, knowledge, and
courage. That today's symposium is being held in this building honours the Department of Foreign Affairs and
International Trade [DFAIT]. I hope it also symbolizes the enhanced cooperation we're all working toward
between TI Canada, TI International and all branches of the Canadian government.
Let me say at the outset that I personally fully share the view of TI Canada's President, Professor Wesley
Cragg, that combatting corruption internationally is in our national and export interest. As he said earlier, all the
international studies indicated that Canada is one of the least corrupt countries on earth. We should take
advantage of our comparative advantage here. Countries want us present in their economies because we raise
their business standards. Let's show sustained leadership on this.
I have a couple of thoughts on possible steps for improving the effectiveness of the accounting, auditing and
internal control provisions of the OECD [Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development] convention.
First, most of the prosecutions in the U.S. over the past twenty years involving bribery of foreign officials have
been based on breaches of very specific accounting provisions of U.S. law. Why? Because it's easier to prove
(with evidence available in the U.S.) than actual payment of the bribe.
In Canada, our law simply requires that a company must maintain adequate accounting records. In a recent
OECD review of Canada's implementation of the OECD convention, the four large accounting firms (and the
CICA [Canadian Institute of Chartered Accountants]), supported by TI, made several recommendations. One of
these was that the federal government should consider amending the CBCA [Canada Business Corporations
Act] to include more specific requirements for books and records, such as the prohibition of "off the books"
accounts, false documentation, etc., and also address the question of whether existing sanctions are adequate.
Parliament's Role
On the subject of Parliament's role, you could hardly find a more qualified contributor than John Williams, MP
for St. Albert and Chair of our House of Commons Public Accounts Committee. I have no doubt that he will
downplay the remarkable leadership he has shown in combatting corruption. He is becoming increasingly well
known throughout the world for the success of the Global Organization of Parliamentarians Against Corruption
(GOPAC), the product of his efforts. It was an honour to take part in the first meeting of GOPAC last fall, and a
real source of pride to know that a Canadian parliamentarian was at the root of that meeting.
We've been asked today to address the question, "What is Parliament's role in fighting corruption?" In basic
terms, our own Parliament has three functions: representation (serving as a voice for Canadians), legislation
(making laws and shaping public policy), and oversight (holding governments accountable for their actions). I'd
like to focus on some extra-parliamentary responsibilities that we MPs have in the fight against corruption.
Reversing the Crisis of Confidence
First and foremost, the burden lies with parliamentarians in all political parties to reverse the current drop in
public confidence in politicians and public institutions across Canada. As TI's Chair, Peter Eigen, noted when
announcing last year's Corruption Perceptions Index, "There is a worldwide corruption crisis." Many of you
would probably agree. Corruption is behind numerous societal ills in many countries. It breeds mistrust among
the public. It chips away at the rule of law. It scares away foreign direct investment along with domestic savings,
a problem the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) has recently addressed. In some parts of the
world, it encourages trafficking in drugs and internal rebellion. Its companions are inevitably violence, coercion,
and political and social unrest. Perhaps worst of all, corruption sometimes lays the foundations for societies that
value privilege and power over basic human needs--ones, for that matter, that honour money, power and graft
at the expense of public integrity, openness and truth.
In the same TI report, Canada scored nine on a possible ten, and we Canadians were proud to be the only G8
country in the top ten ranking. Yet, according to a survey done in Canada at about the same time, fully 69
percent of Canadians said our federal and provincial political systems are corrupt. This certainly signals a
problem! Headlines describing the fall of private sector giants like Enron and Arthur Andersen have highlighted
the fact that corruption isn't restricted to governments alone.
If corruption is a mortal enemy of democracy, then trust is one of its best shields. If elected Canadians face an
increasingly sceptical public and more hesitant investors, we reduce our ability to help Canadians to realize
their full potential. The time to turn this around is now, and the responsibility to lead the charge must lie with
parliamentarians.
Why Us?
Why us? Because corruption cannot be fought effectively without the political will to do so. As lawmakers, we
must be beyond reproach. We can't demand standards of others that we're not prepared to live up to ourselves.
Without "clean hands," what right do we have to question the actions of others? And what credibility do we have
to pursue issues our electors care about? If we want to be effective in dealing with some of our most pressing
issues--sustainable development, poverty, human rights, and peace--we need to first ensure that rats are not
quietly filling the basements of our provincial and national parliaments.
Political financing, for example, is one of the most important, albeit often ignored, issues throughout the world.
When it is not tackled head-on, the credibility of all parliamentarians suffers. The notion of "the best democracy
money can buy" and the idea that money gives one access to government and the power to influence it are far
too widespread--and I would never suggest that Canada is safe from such allegations.
Each of our key roles--our raisons d'être--are undermined when the public doesn't have faith in how we got
into office. We're hardly representative of voters generally if we're only acting on behalf of those with the most
money. How meaningful is a law when passed by those who break others? And what credibility do we have in
overseeing government if our own houses aren't in order?
Campaign Financing
It was for these reasons that the government introduced a campaign finance reform bill earlier this year.
Although some specifics have been controversial, it was long overdue. For the past three elections, I've
imposed a limit in my own campaigns ($300 per person or business in the first two and most recently, in 2000,
a $500 limit) during an election, and no fundraising between elections. This has been helpful in keeping the
trust of residents of Edmonton Southeast.
As MPs, we also need to demonstrate respect for all who work to enhance transparency and accountability.
The opposition, for example, plays one of the most valuable roles here, particularly the Public Accounts
Committee. Civil, dignified discourses and an openness to sharing information in most situations are achievable
goals. NGOs also play enormously valuable roles. In 1999, I'm told that TI helped DFAIT moblize the key
players needed to push through the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act in just six days! By acknowledging
the importance of this issue and demonstrating genuine respect for the work they do, we're improving the
system in a significant way.
Resisting Complacency
A second area of MP responsibility lies in resisting what I'll call the "caretakers of the status quo."
Parliamentarians can only be as effective as the tools they have with which to do their jobs. Question Period,
reports submitted to Parliament by government agencies, Public Accounts committees, and more are all tools
of transparency and accountability. It's not enough for us to have created these tools, however; we have a
responsibility to use them effectively. One observer describes it well: "The accomplice to the crime of corruption
is frequently our own indifference."
Reports to Parliament, for example, aren't ends in themselves. They should be actively scrutinized and
responded to by the executive branch when called for. We all have seemingly endless streams of e-mails and
papers coming across our desks, but we have to consider what kind of message we're sending to the MPs and
other officials who write these reports about how seriously we value their work if, year after year, they receive
no feedback.
Some reports, including the Auditor General's, receive a great deal of attention and elicit significant
responses--often because of committee structures. Others are not so well noted. I understand that for the past
three years, DFAIT has reported annually to Parliament under the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act,
but, to my knowledge, Parliament has never formally responded. What message does that send?
As parliamentarians, we can organize hearings to follow up on reports, thereby drawing public attention. Such
hearings give key stakeholders an opportunity to get involved or continue playing a role. They make it possible
to bring up issues that emphasize concerns or remarks that show general satisfaction. Using reports to
Parliament to move forward is beneficial not only in terms of improving the work already accomplished, but also
in terms of encouraging those who draft the reports.
Focus on Prevention
A third key responsibility of parliamentarians is to prevent corruption before it occurs.
As the philosopher-author Eric Hoffer writes:
It has often been said that power corrupts. But it is perhaps equally important to realize that weakness, too,
corrupts. Power corrupts the few, while weakness corrupts the many. Hatred, malice, rudeness, intolerance,
and suspicion are the faults of weakness...
The opposite of weakness is strength, and it is found in the rule of law, good governance, equitable judicial
systems, and healthy and educated citizens. When we fight to eradicate poverty, promote education for all and
build strong social infrastructures both at home and around the world, we are also combatting corruption.
Free, independent, and responsible media are among the best preventative measures around. Many of us use
the "front page test" when making a decision. This means asking yourself, "How would I feel if I woke up
tomorrow and saw my actions written about on the cover of a newspaper?". There's certainly value in having a
healthy fear that there are journalists out there working busily to find the truth!
Finally, while it's important to focus on the criminal side of the fight against corruption, including the OECD
Convention, the Corruption of Foreign Public Officials Act, the Income Tax Act, UN Conventions, and many
others, it's often too easy to look solely to such instruments to measure success. Parliamentarians are
sometimes especially guilty of wanting quick answers--to point to criminal charges and convictions to show our
constituents exactly how effective we're being. In the past 30 years, in the United States, there have only been
about 30 prosecutions under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Since Canada introduced the Corruption
of Foreign Public Officials Act, we've had only one case in which charges have been laid. Does that mean
these are irrelevant or that we've failed our roles? Absolutely not! I like to think that much of the work done in
promoting corporate social responsibility with both businesses and consumers, for example, plays a big part in
maintaining integrity.
Communicate, Communicate, Communicate!
It's not enough to engage in the fight against corruption. We have to share it! What all of this comes down to is
communicating in an open and frank manner. Good communication starts by creating laws, guidelines, and
measures that are as easy to understand and as accessible as possible. The late John Wayne described a very
common attitude when he said, "...corruption masquerade(s) as ambiguity. I don't like ambiguity. I don't trust
ambiguity." Technology has also now given us the tools to reach out.
As parliamentarians, we have the opportunity to embrace technology as a tool of transparency, accessibility
and responsiveness. We can push for Canadian leadership in e-government, for example, by posting our
positions, activities, and news on-line, and using any or all of the available information communication
technology to demonstrate our openness.
Communication also means a lot of networking. We now have a more formalized structure to provide peer
support, to share best practices with the international community and the private sector, and to help publicize
stories of those sacrificing their careers and sometimes even putting their lives at risk to fight corruption.
GOPAC is a prime example, as are the Third Global Forum on Fighting Corruption and
Safeguarding Integrity and the 11th International Anti-Corruption Conference, to which many of us are going in
two weeks. As representatives from the NGO community, the RCMP, Auditor General and public service
integrity offices, CCRA, CIDA and DFAIT, we'll not only be communicating with other nations, but advancing a
holistic approach to combatting corruption.
Today's symposium, of course, also symbolizes the communication that is needed to ensure that Canada
remains one of the most highly regarded countries in this global fight. You are playing a central role in one of
the most important issues of our time. I congratulate you on your work, and don't let the "caretakers of the
status quo" slow you down.
Thank you.