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<html> <head> <meta name="generator" content="Corel WordPerfect 10"> <meta http-equiv="content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"> <style> p { margin-top: 0px; margin-bottom: 1px } body { font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; font-weight: normal; font-style: normal } </style> </head> <body> January 22, 2007 HERZLIYA PITUAH, Israel 2007/3 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY NOTES FOR AN ADDRESS BY THE HONOURABLE PETER MACKAY, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND MINISTER OF THE ATLANTIC CANADA OPPORTUNITIES AGENCY, AT THE SEVENTH ANNUAL HERZLIYA CONFERENCE ON THE BALANCE OF ISRAEL’S NATIONAL SECURITY It's a privilege to be here—both at this prestigious conference and here in Israel. This is my first visit to Israel and the region. Since I arrived here on Saturday, I have seen, and heard, and learned a great deal. I know that it was from this same platform that Prime Minister Sharon articulated his vision of disengagement, which has since been realized in Gaza. Our thoughts are with Prime Minister Sharon and his family. If you will indulge me, I will explain a little bit about Canada's new government. We understand that Canada has an obligation and responsibility to be active and constructive in world affairs. We decided that, as a government, we would ensure that Canada's voice would be clear and strong on issues that matter most to us. We are shoring up Canadian security at home and abroad. We are giving our police and intelligence services the resources and support they need to get their jobs done. We are making substantial new investments in our military forces, securing our ports and borders. We are improving the effectiveness of our international assistance and bringing greater focus to our diplomatic efforts abroad. But most important to today's discussion: my top priority when I became Minister of Foreign Affairs almost one year ago was to reinvigorate Canada's relationship with our friends and allies and to emphasize the promotion of freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Canada's foreign policy. Earlier this month I visited Afghanistan. Canada is in Kandahar province at the request of Afghanistan's democratically elected government and as part of a UN-sanctioned mission to help provide security and build a stable, democratic and self-sufficient society. Canadian diplomats, aid workers and some 2,500 soldiers are stationed in southern Afghanistan near the border with Pakistan, which is one of the most volatile and dangerous places in the world. Canadian Forces are engaged in a difficult military operation, fighting against determined Taliban insurgents. The environment is tough. The terrain, the terrorists, the region, the nature of the campaign make this a complex and challenging non-traditional mission. We have already lost 44 soldiers and one diplomat. We have learned important lessons: while effective military capability is vital, it is not the only instrument, by any means, for achieving long-term change. Canada's whole-of-government approach in Afghanistan is beginning to produce results. The Afghan public is seeing that progress is possible. They are beginning to believe that their government might just bring them the security and stability they need to rebuild their lives, their families, their communities and their country. We are weakening the stronghold of extremist and terrorist elements that had deprived the Afghan people of their basic human rights— to live in dignity, security, and prosperity. Sharing our values is an important foreign policy priority for Canada. But as we all know, these are not uniquely Canadian values. Nor are they exclusively Western values. They do not belong to anyone, but are available to everyone who choses to embrace them. Democracy and freedom are values that give the people of the world the hope to dream and the courage to defend. Canada's tradition as an open, tolerant, diverse country offers a distinctive, and I believe, welcome voice in the democracy discourse. Indeed, it is these values that we share with Israel that make our two countries so close. We have a long history together, which began even before the creation of the State of Israel. Canada chaired the 1947 United Nations Special Committee on Palestine that paved the way for Israel's creation. Our record is, unfortunately, not unblemished. We were amongst those who turned our backs on Jews fleeing Europe during the Holocaust. This was shameful. But we have learned and our recent record is a reflection of that understanding. Six decades of strong relations that span cultural, political and economic life demonstrate the breadth of our bond. From helping to inform Israel's justice system by sharing our experience in developing the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms—a significant part of our constitution—to increasing and diversifying commercial relations resulting in over $1 billion dollars in trade last year. We have even brought hockey to the farthest reaches of this country—at the Canada Centre in Metulla, which I visited today. Our relationship is, indeed, profound and resilient. Six decades have passed and Canada's support for Israel has become ever stronger. Six decades have passed and Canada continues to understand the significance—the importance—of Israel both as an idea and as a state. Israel's security and prosperity are fundamental. The way to ensure Israel's security and prosperity is the creation of a viable, peaceful State of Palestine. At the same time, Israel must be accepted as a legitimate neighbour and partner in the region. And Canada's new government hasn't just talked about this. We have acted. We were the first country to suspend contact with the Hamas-led government. We staunchly supported Israel's right to defend itself in discussions within the G8 and at the UN on the conflict in Lebanon. We have also taken action at the UN, including at the Human Rights Council, on resolutions skewed unfairly against Israel. Canada seeks fairness and justice and dignity for the people of Israel. We also seek it for the Palestinians. Canada believes in the two-state solution for reasons of principle and practicality: the Palestinians need a state. Israel needs its security. The two are linked. Cynics will say—and they will be right—that we have been at the brink of peace before and failed to muster the resolve to follow through. They will note—again, rightly—that conditions have seemed far more encouraging than at this time. And we have not succeeded. This is true. But there are new and important challenges such as: •         the rise of Iran and its nuclear ambitions; •         the instability in Lebanon; •         the ongoing conflict in Iraq; and •         religious extremism everywhere. But, there are also opportunities. I believe the minds of many moderate Arab leaders—from the Gulf to the Maghreb— are concentrated in new and pragmatic ways, and that some are clearly prepared to help. Israelis and Palestinians, this region, and the world, are frustrated with this conflict and want it solved. With a few crazed exceptions, there is universal understanding that Israel is here to stay. And that a moderate, democratic, and peaceful State of Palestine must be created. With the election of Hamas one year ago, the challenge of building that moderate and peaceful State of Palestine has become more difficult—but even more important. There was just this morning criticism of my visit for “snubbing” Hamas officials— by refusing to meet them. When it comes to standing up to terrorism, that's the kind of criticism I am willing to take any day. The extraordinary thing about the Palestinians is that, even in today's difficult context, there is still so much determination and so many players who share an agenda of moderation, reform, and peace. We have a real base to work from. There is potential for Palestinians to build a progressive and dynamic society. But just as there is the real potential for a successful, moderate and peaceful Palestinian state, we must be realistic. There is also the potential for failure. I met with President Abbas Friday and had a frank and forward-looking discussion. I reminded him that the Road Map is very clear: the first step for the Palestinians toward peace is an end to terror and violence. And I told him that without the Palestinians assuming responsibility for security internally and by extension, offering security to its neighbour, Israel, progress will not be possible. Fatah reform must be a top priority. He needs to give the Palestinian people an option, a real choice for a new type of governance. I told him to maintain his courage, his political courage, and to push the process forward for the good of his people. He signalled that he was ready. And I am convinced that he is. He needs support—from all of us, from his Arab brothers, and of course, from Israel. Canada, for one, is ready to help to be a partner in change and progress. Canada is ready to work with the parties and with our international partners in addressing the priorities for peace. And Canada has still more to contribute—assets and experience. Throughout our history we have managed our differences, sometimes dramatically. What we’ve learned is that you need to manage crises, differences and conflict. Until all three are managed, they can’t be resolved. Having said that, we know that we are amongst the most fortunate in terms of the conflicts and challenges we have had to meet throughout our history. We are already a strong supporter of the work of General Dayton and his team, which includes several Canadians. Yesterday, I confirmed to him an additional contribution of $1.2 million toward improving the Karni crossing. I just came from a meeting with Prime Minister Olmert in Jerusalem. It’s also encouraging to see that he and President Abbas are talking, and his decision to release $100 million to the President. It’s positive that the Prime Minister committed to easing restrictions on the movement of people and goods within and between the West Bank and Gaza. Delivering on these commitments now will be an important step toward managing the conflict and beginning the process of rebuilding the confidence which has been lost during these difficult years. And there are other simple practical measures that Israel can take. At the border crossings: take away the arbitrariness of the system and, while maintaining security, treat average Palestinians with respect and dignity. Issue work permits. Trade and transit between Gaza and the West Bank: find a way to let it happen. It is far better for Israel’s future to let vegetables leave Gaza than to have them sit and rot at Karni crossing. Canada recognizes that the Government of Israel has a duty to protect its citizens. It is the first task of any responsible government. But I want to suggest that your security is also dependent, in the long run, on the ability of the Palestinians to prosper in dignity and peace.   And there are even more difficult issues for Israel to consider, but that must be considered nonetheless. Establishing new settlements, or continuing settlement growth while at the same time trying to make progress on the peace front, is counterproductive. Finally, and before I conclude, something that is of critical importance and I believe deserves serious thought, and I know has already been discussed here widely: Iran. Canada is deeply concerned with the direction in which Iran is headed. The regime in Tehran cannot be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons. At the same time, Canada takes the position that all non-military options, including voluntary sanctions, must be explored and explored widely. With this in mind, and with no doubt that Israel will be Ahmadinejad’s first target—he has said as much himself—we need to begin talking seriously, and talking creatively, about what we in the international community can do now—and what resources we can draw from—with Israel to prevent the need for military action. Canada has stood shoulder to shoulder with Israel for six decades and will continue to do so. We will speak up, and speak loudly, for Israel to be treated as an equal nation in the international community at the UN, at NATO and at other international forums where up until now, its voice, as a democratic country whose values we share, has been missing. </body> </html>

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