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"Creating a Framework for the Wisdom of the Community:" Review of Victim Services in Nunavut, Northwest and Yukon Territories

3.0 Northwest Territories

3.1 Considerations in Victim Service Delivery in the Northwest Territories

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3.0 NORTHWEST TERRITORIES

3.1 Considerations in Victim Service Delivery in the Northwest Territories

3.1.1 Introduction

This section is devoted to building a working knowledge of key contributing factors that should be taken into account when designing victim services, and other types of human services and programming in the Northwest Territories (NWT). The service providers, community caregivers, victims of crime, and federal, territorial and municipal government policy and decision makers interviewed during this research requested that any new services, or modified existing services, take into account the existing cultural differences between First Nations, Métis and Inuit cultures and the dominant Canadian culture. They also asked that a clear picture be drawn, for policy and decision makers at all levels of government, of the many challenges and obstacles that exist in terms of victim services program development and delivery in the Northwest Territories communities.

Accordingly, this chapter is devoted to these two topics: a general overview of the differences between First Nations, Inuit, and Metis cultures and the dominant Canadian culture; and a general overview of the challenges and obstacles inherent in victim services program development and delivery in NWT communities.

This first section of this chapter describes the differences between the dominant “western” culture in Canada and the indigenous cultures living in NWT. It represents simply a basic overview, for the purposes of program planning, of major differences between Euro-Canadian and indigenous cultures in areas that have some impact on program planning. These insights are based on interviews with First Nations, Métis and Inuit service providers and caregivers as well as victims of crime and government bureaucrats, and these respondents are quoted throughout.

In short, this chapter outlines and describes information pertinent to understanding victim service delivery in the Northwest Territories. This information includes:

NWT demographic data;
NWT social conditions and related statistical data;
NWT historical considerations: and
NWT Aboriginal cultural affiliations and political status.

3.1.2 Northwest Territories Demographics

There are 30 communities in the Northwest Territories with a total population of 40,570 people.^[42] These communities are divided into six regions politically: Delta, Sahtu, Deh Cho, Dogrib, South Slave and Yellowknife.^[43] There are six large centres (Yellowknife, Rae-Edzo, Inuvik, Fort Simpson, Hay River and Fort Smith) with populations over 1,500. The largest of these are Yellowknife (population 18,028), Hay River (population 3,858), Inuvik (population 3,451) and Fort Smith (population 2,685). Together, these four communities contain 73% of the territorial population. Approximately 45% of the total NWT population lives in the capital city, Yellowknife.

In terms of ethnic composition, 51% of the territorial population is First Nations, Metis and Inuvialuit. The remainder of the population is largely Euro-Canadian (42.8%). Visible minorities make up 6.2% of the population. The largest visible minority groups are South Asian, Chinese and Filipino. The bulk of the population is younger than the overall national population. Approximately 30% of the NWT population is less than 15 years of age (compared with 20% nationally) and only 4% of the population is over 65 (12% nationally).^[44]

3.1.3 Northwest Territories Social Conditions and Related Statistical Data

NWT residents are coping with social conditions and health problems that are well beyond the circumstances of southern Canadians. NWT has six times the national rate of sexual assault^[45] and twice the national rate of suicide.^[46] Sudden Infant Death Syndrome is higher in the NWT than anywhere else in Canada.^[47]

The NWT has twice the national rate of “heavy drinking” and “marijuana and hard drug use”^[48] and three times the national rate for smoking.^[49] Deaths due to "preventable injuries" are twice the national average.^[50] The admission of abused women into shelters is eight times the national rate.^[51] The reported violent crime rate is five times the national average and the teenage pregnancy rate is twice the national average.^[52] It is likely that there are high rates of FAS children as up to 30% of all NWT women drink during pregnancy.^[53] And the rate of sexually transmitted disease is very high compared to the rest of Canada.^[54]

These social problems have lead the Government of the Northwest Territories Department of Health and Social Services to predict that, among other medical expenses, up to 50% of all NWT residents will need mental health services by 2008.^[55] The number one reason for all male hospital admissions right now is mental health disorders.^[56]

World wide there is a clear relationship between income and health, between income disparities and inequalities in health status. This is true in Canada too, as stated in the Second Report on the Health of Canadians:

Studies suggest that the distribution of income in a given society may be a more important determinant of health than the total amount of income earned by society members. Large gaps in income lead to increases in social problems and poorer health among the population as a whole.^[57]

Although the average income in the NWT is approximately $13,000 higher than for Canada as a whole, in communities other than Yellowknife, and the regional centres, average incomes are $4,000 lower than the Canadian average and $11,000 lower than the territorial average.

Income is tied to employment and education. Approximately 35% of the total territorial population 15 years and over do not have a high school diploma. Amongst the Aboriginal population this figures rises to 55%.^[58] The graduation rate in NWT is 40% compared to 74% nationally. Recent economic development activity in the NWT has lowered the unemployment rate to 6.8% (as of May 2002); however, in predominantly Aboriginal communities, between 30 to 50% of the population over 15 are not working.^[59] Overall 21% of the NWT population relies, to varying degrees, on government income support for survival.^[60]

In terms of housing, the Northwest Territories Housing Corporation estimates that about 20% of all NWT households are in “core need.”^[61] This is estimated to be twice the national average.^[62] Outside the regional centres, the number of households in core need rises to 44%.^[63]

In summary, key health issues identified by GNWT Health and Social Services in the NWT Health Status Report (1999) are as follows:

high levels of poor personal health habits and risky behaviours (drinking, smoking, preventable accidents, etc.);
poor social conditions (lack of housing, lack of community services, etc.);
economic disparities (large gap between rich and poor, have and have-not communities, etc.); and
lack of education and educational opportunities (limited educational opportunities and low grade levels, etc.).^[64]
From the perspective of the broad social and economic health determinants, progress has been made in education, and the economic prospects are beginning to look more favourable. However, many people living in small communities are still at economic disadvantage, and may be facing higher health risks as a result. The greatest challenge to population health in the forthcoming decade will likely be that of improving social conditions for the most disadvantaged communities, families and individuals.^[65]

This is the current health and social context within which victimization and victim service delivery takes place.

3.1.4 Northwest Territories Historical Considerations

The original inhabitants of the NWT had a sustainable hunting/gathering lifestyle based on the natural rhythms of the land and seasons.^[66] However, with the increasing impact of European culture in the region over the last 150 years, these lifestyles, and some of the traditions that support it, have been radically altered. First Nation, Inuvialuit and Métis participants at the June 2001 NWT Social Agenda Conference described the realities and the impacts of this cultural shift as follows:

Generations of separation, institutionalization, dependence, dislocation and residential school experiences have traumatized people and have replaced the traditional culture of trust and respect with a culture of fear and oppression. The incarceration of offenders, removal of children from homes, use of elder facilities and shelters for women and children tend to mirror this sense of separation and dislocation from family. Foreign religions were forced on people, land skills were lost, new diseases killed many people and communities were forcibly relocated. As a result, the ability to transfer knowledge and understand societal, gender and cultural roles, life stages, sexuality and relationships has been diminished. There is a loss of connection to each other, to place and land because there is no communication and sharing … collective family knowledge is lost and our collective cultural story is not widely known. These traumatic experiences have resulted in trouble with parenting and respecting women, the loss of traditional skills, difficulties with communication and sharing, language erosion, youth and elder problems, denial and silence, and in general, the normalization of traumatic reactions such as shame, guilt, distrust, anger, hate, bitterness, confusion, pain, blaming, denying, paranoia, partial and selective memory, unhealthy and risky lifestyles, addictions and abuse.^[67]

In particular, First Nations and other Aboriginal groups pointed out the detrimental impact of residential schools on their collective and personal lives. Part of this impact is summarized in one Conference participant’s comment that “residential school resulted in five generations who don’t know how to parent … there was guilt on the part of those who observed abuse at residential school and didn’t know what to do about it, so they did nothing.”^[68] Residential schools, foreign religions and governments, a stationary (non-nomadic) lifestyle and a wage-based, capitalist economy has undermined collective and personal stability, traditional beliefs, relationships, roles and social norms.

Many northerners believe that this history of colonialism has been ongoing and contemporary forms of colonialism take the form of corporate control of land, as well as discriminatory government legislation and policy. They state that a form of neo-colonialism has arisen wherein previously colonized groups and individuals, with the help of ‘outside’ business and political interests, now oppress and control each other. In these circumstances, a variety of social problems^[69] have become widespread and chronic.

Ongoing colonialism, discrimination and racism, corporate control of land, and government policies and programs such as the Indian Act and the NWT Act that withhold power and control from individuals, families and communities and destroy self reliance and mutual support, are part of the problem. In addition, the colonized have become colonizers, racism has become internalized and the previously oppressed are now the oppressors. In this situation, women, children and elders are powerless. Child sexual abuse at home as well as at residential school has devastated people. It is very hard to live two different lifestyles: the traditional Aboriginal lifestyle and the modern wage economy lifestyle … poverty has become widespread. On top of this, there has been an overwhelming loss of loved ones and inter-generational grieving through untimely deaths, many due to the fracturing which has resulted from this colonial history.”^[70]

Like indigenous people the world over the Dene, Inuvialuit, and other Aboriginal peoples of the NWT, are now in the process of reclaiming their identity and traditions. Land claims and self government agreements are largely settled for the Inuvialuit people and some First Nations. The remaining First Nations, and Metis groups, are in the final stages of negotiating their agreements. The following section gives a brief outline of these agreements, and an overview of NWT First Nation origins and composition.

3.1.5 Northwest Territories Aboriginal Cultural/Linguistic Groups and Political Status

Those in a position to fund and develop victim services programs need to understand the cultures and government structures they will be dealing with in the near future. Some programs will most likely be negotiated with First Nation governments. Therefore, relevant details are provided here.

Aboriginal people in the Northwest Territories are descendants of several distinct cultural and linguistic groups. The two main indigenous groups are the Dene and the Inuvialuit.

The “Dene” are the indigenous First Nations people in this region of Canada. The traditional Dene name for this region is “Denedeh”, meaning land of the Dene. The Dene are comprised of several regionally based tribal councils and First Nations which reflect their traditional cultural affiliation. These tribal councils and First Nations are as follows: Deh Cho First Nations; Dogrib Treaty 11 Council; Gwich’in Tribal Council; NWT Treaty 8 Tribal Council; Sahtu Dene Council; Salt River First Nation. Each of these tribal councils and First Nations is in turn composed of between 4 and 10 smaller band offices or other First Nations.^[71]

Dene in the NWT have treaty agreements with the federal government made in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These treaties are the basis for current self-government and land claim settlements in the NWT. Following is a brief description of the current status of each First Nation.

Deh Cho First Nations
The Deh Cho First Nations are South Slavey descendants of Treaty 11 who have traditionally used and occupied the land in the Deh Cho area, the southwestern region of the NWT. They are currently negotiating a land, resources and governance agreement with the federal and territorial governments. Deh Cho communities include the larger settlements of Fort Providence, Fort Simpson, Fort Liard and the Hay River reserve. They also include the smaller communities of Nahanni Butte, Wrigley, Jean Marie River, Kakisa Lake and Trout Lake.
Dogrib Treaty 11 Council
There are approximately 3,000 Dogrib who live mainly in the communities of Behcho Ko (Rae-Edzo), Wha Ti (Lac La Martre), Gameti (Rae Lakes), and Wekweti (Snare Lake) in the North Slave Region of the Northwest Territories (north of Great Slave Lake). The Dogrib are negotiating the first combined land claim and self-government agreement in the Northwest Territories, and North of 60º. This agreement will provide the Dogrib ownership of 39,000 square kilometres of land, including subsurface resources, and will also provide self-governing arrangements to the Dogrib. The Dogribs will create a single (tribal) government with jurisdiction over Dogrib citizens and Dogrib lands. The Dogrib Government will manage the development of resources and wildlife through co-management boards. It will have jurisdiction, or lawmaking authority, over Education, Adoption, Child & Family Services, Training, Social Assistance & Social Housing and Language Culture.
Gwich’in Tribal Council
The Gwich'in people traditionally used and occupied lands in the Beaufort Delta area. They became signatories to Treaty 11 and settled outstanding interests associated with lands and resources when they negotiated the Gwich'in Comprehensive Land Claim in 1992. The 2,200 beneficiaries are currently represented through band councils that are administered under the Indian Act. The Gwich’in live in the communities of Fort MacPherson, Inuvik, Aklavik and Tsiigehtchic.
NWT Treaty 8 Tribal Council
At the present time NWT Treaty 8 Tribal Council is composed of the Akaitcho Dene First Nations in Dettah, N’dilo,^[72] Lutsel K’e and Deninu Kue (Fort Resolution). The Akaitcho Treaty 8 Dene First Nations, Canada and the GNWT have explored common ground and reached consensus on the wording for a Framework Agreement. (The Akaitcho Dene signed Treaty 8 with the Government of Canada in 1900. However, some provisions in this treaty were not implemented. The governments have agreed to resolve outstanding land, resource and governance issues through negotiations.)
Sahtu Dene Council
The Sahtu Dene occupy the region in central NWT around Great Bear Lake and the Mackenzie River. As signatories to Treaty 11 they settled the Sahtu Dene and Metis Comprehensive Land Claim Agreement in 1993. There are 2000 beneficiaries to this agreement in NWT. The Sahtu Dene, also referred to as North Slavey people, live in the communities of Colville Lake, Deline, Fort Good Hope, Norman Wells and Tulita.
Salt River First Nations
This First Nation is composed of Cree and Chipewyan descendants of Treaty 11 who have traditionally used and occupied land in the Fort Smith area. They are negotiating a treaty land entitlement agreement that will fulfill outstanding obligations associated with Treaty 8, signed in 1899. The Salt River First Nation want to establish a reserve within and adjacent to the Town of Fort Smith.

In addition to the Dene tribal councils and First Nations listed above, there are also indigenous Inuvialuit people in the Northwest Territories. They have always lived in the Beaufort/Delta region of the territory. This is the region around the Mackenzie River delta bordered by the Beaufort Sea. The Inuvialuit people are of Inuit descent and are traditionally dependent on the sea and surrounding coastal regions. They were not signatories to any treaties in Canada, but are recognized as Aboriginal peoples under the Canadian Constitution Act, 1982. They negotiated and signed the Inuvialuit Land Claim Agreement in 1982 with the Government of Canada. There are 2,500 beneficiaries living in the communities of Inuvik, Aklavik, Holman, Paulatuk, Sachs Harbour and Tuktoyaktuk.

This map, available from the Government of the Northwest Territories, outlines the boundaries and locations of the Aboriginal regions listed above.

Map that outlines the boundaries and locations of the Aboriginal regions listed above.

^[42] The territorial government states that the NWT population is closer to 42,083, disputing this 2001? Census Canada NWT population figure.

^[43] The territorial government usually administers the Delta and Sahtu regions as one region and under a variety of names depending on the service in question: “Beaufort Delta,” “Inuvik Sahtu.” However, each of these regions has negotiated land claims, and self-government agreements as separate entities and some services are administered separately.

^[44] Statistics Canada, Census 1996.

^[45] Family Violence Statistics Report 2000/2001, GNWT Health and Social Services, 2001. The NWT Status of Women reports that in 1996 27% of Inuit females, 23% of Dene females, 14% of Metis females, 11% of non-Aboriginal females in grades 10 and 11 said they had experienced forced sexual intercourse.

^[46] “Working Together for Community Wellness, A Strategy for Addictions, Mental Health and Family Violence in the NWT,” GNWT Health and Social Services, March 2001.

^[47] “New Directions: Healthy Choices, Health Promotion Strategy,” GNWT Health and Social Services, August 1999

^[48] “Working Together for Community Wellness, A Strategy for Addictions, Mental Health and Family Violence in the NWT.” GNWT Health and Social Services, March 2001.

^[49] “New Directions: Healthy Choices, Health Promotion Strategy.” GNWT Health and Social Services, August 1999.

^[50] NWT Health Status Report, GNWT Health and Social Services, 1999.

^[51] “Family Violence Statistics Report2000/2001,” GNWT Health and Social Services, 2001.

^[52] NWT Health Status Report, GNWT Health and Social Services, 1999.

^[53] Ibid.

^[54] Ibid.

^[55] Ibid.

^[56] Ibid.

^[57] “Second Report on the Health of Canadians,” Health Canada, 1999.

^[58] Highest Level of Schooling, NWT Bureau of Statistics, October 1999.

^[59] Labour Force Activity, NWT Bureau of Statistics, May 2002.

^[60] NWT Health Status Report, G NWT Health and Social Services, 1999.

^[61] Core need is measured by monitoring problems of overcrowding, physical condition of the home and affordability. Households with one or more of these problems and total income below a community specific threshold are considered to be in core need.

^[62] Report on Housing, NWT Housing Corporation, GNWT, 1998.

^[63] Ibid.

^[64] NWT Health Status Report, GNWT Health and Social Services, 1999.

^[65] Ibid.

^[66] A more detailed description of the dynamics of this worldview and lifestyle, and its potential impact on victim service delivery, can be found in the Nunavut and Yukon chapters of this paper.

^[67] Honesty Takes Courage, Social Agenda Conference Report, June 2001.

^[68] Ibid.

^[69] NWT social problems are described in detail by service providers later in this chapter.

^[70] Honesty Takes Courage, Social Agenda Conference Report, June 2001.

^[71] In addition, there are several Metis organizations in the NWT, some of whom are negotiating separate agreements with the federal government. See the Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs, Government of the Northwest Territories website www.gov.nt.ca/MAA.aboriginal_directory for a full listing of all Aboriginal organizations in the NWT.

^[72] Dettah, N’dilo are not listed in Victim Services in the Territories: A Compilation of Contacts and Resources as separate communities as they are located close to Yellowknife and receive the bulk of their services, including specialized services for victims, in Yellowknife.

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		Last Updated: 2005-10-22		Important Notices