| |
| AC |
Archives nationales de France, Colonies |
| AG |
Archives de la Guerre |
| AM |
Archives nationales de France, Marine |
| ANQQ |
Archives nationales du Québec, Quebec City |
| ANQM |
Archives nationales du Québec, Montreal |
| AR |
Archives du port de Rochefort |
| BL |
British Library |
| BN |
Bibliothèque nationale de France |
| BRH |
Bulletin des recherches historiques |
| NAC |
National Archives of Canada |
| PRO |
Public Records Office |
| RAPQ |
Rapport de l'Archiviste de la province de Québec |
1 Les Voyages de Jacques Cartier, 1545 edition revised and annotated by jean Dumont (Montreal: Les Amis de l'histoire, 1969, p. 191.
2 Champlain, Samuel de, Voyages et découvertes faites en la Nouvelle-France depuis l'année 1615 jusqu'à la fin de l'année 1618 (Paris: 1619), ed. C.-H. Laverdière under the title Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec City: 1870), Vol. IV, pp. 42-43.
3 Champlain, Samuel de, Les Voyages du sieur de Champlain (Paris: 1613), ed. C.-H. Laverdière under the title Oeuvres de Champlain (Quebec City: 1870), Vol. III, p. 214.
4 Sagard, Gabriel, Le Grand Voyage au pays des Hurons, 1632 edition revised and annotated by Jean Dumont (Montreal: Les Amis de l'histoire, 1969), p. 136.
5 Ibid.
6 Maylen, John, Gallic Perfidy., A Poem (Boston: 1758), p. 15. This scene took place in Montreal in 1757. It was one of the prisoners of the siege of Fort William Henry who met this fate. The Amerindians were intoxicated at the time.
7 Les Voyages de Jacques Cartier, p. 203.
8 Sagard, Gabriel, Le Grand Voyage au pays des Hurons, p. 136.
9 Champlain, Samuel de, Les Voyages du sieur de Champlain, Vol. III, p. 194.
10 Maréchal, Sylvain, Costumes civils actuels de tous les peuples connus, 4 vols., (Paris: 1784-87), Vol. IV, p. 282.
11 All the experts agree on this. The only contemporary illustrations showing this detail are related to the god Odin. It is possible that some Viking priests of the pagan era wore them for ceremonies. It should be added that such a decoration would be not only cumbersome but dangerous in hand-to-hand combat.
12 Brantôme (1535-1614), Pierre de Bourdeille de, Le Rosier des guerres, quoted in Wanty, Emile, L Art de la guerre (Verviers, Belgium: Gérard, 1967), 4 vol., Vol. 1, p. 206.
13 Several companies together formed armed "bands," types of battalions with variable numbers of soldiers established permanently in France by King Louis XI in 1480. In 1534, legions were established, but with little success and bands returned during the 1540s, before the current regimental structure was finally adopted.
14 Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. The Conquest of New Spain, trans. and annotated by J.M. Cohen (London: Folio Society, 1974), pp. 203-204. These were soldiers of Cortez' army in Mexico in 1519.
15 Hakluyt, Richard. The Principal Navigations, p. 225.
16 Les Français en Amérique pendant la première moitié du XVIe siècle, ed. C.-A. Julien, R. Herval and T. Beauchesne (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1946), pp.27-28, 41. The sailor's name was Colas Mancel. Henry Jesanne, a young page, was killed by the "nasty Indians." The French had gone ashore unarmed in search of drinking water and "were treacherously attacked." This incident illustrates the extent to which explorers were exposed to danger. In addition, the ship ran aground on the way home after being attacked by pirates. Only 27 crew members, including Captain Gonneville, survived.
17 Les Voyages de Jacques Cartier, pp. 174, 189.
18 Ibid., pp. 202, 207.
19 A collection of Documents Relating to Jacques Cartier and the Sieur de Roberval, ed. H.P. Biggar (Ottawa: National Archives of Canada, 1930), p. 71.
20 Ibid., p. 277. Another report estimated the number at 1,500 people. See Biggar, pp. 378-380. The data on this subject is contradictory.
21 Ibid., p. 277.
22 Louis XI, quoted in Toudouze, Georges G., Les Équipages de la Marine française (Paris: Éditions militaires illustrées, 1943), p. 55.
23 Les Français en Amérique, p. 203.
24 Barkham, Michael M., Report on 16th Century Spanish Basque Shipbuilding, c. 1550 to c. 1600 (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service), Manuscript Report Number 422, p. 34, quoting the 1571 document. Proulx, Jean-Pierre, Les Basques et la pêche à la baleine au Labrador au XVIe siècle (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1993) also mentions the arms that should be on board. After 1552, the ships sailing for the West Indies were supposed to carry arms roughly similar in their composition and proportions to those carried by the Basque galleons. For example, a 220- to 320-ton ship was supposed to carry 10 cannons, 24 swivel guns, 30 harquebuses, 30 crossbows, 24 shields, 24 breast-plates, 30 helmets, etc. Galleons built by Basque outfitters were often resold to Seville outfitters after two or three seasons in the North Atlantic. Then these galleons were repaired and joined the West Indian fleet, which generally sailed on calmer seas. For more information about the West Indian fleet, see Haring, Clarence Henry, Trade and Navigation Between Spain and the Indies in the Time of the Hapsburgs (Harvard University Press, 1918); Barkham, Selma, "The Spanish Province of Terranova," The Canadian Archivist/L Archiviste canadien, II, No. 5, 1974, pp. 73-83. The name "Terranova" appeared during the 1560s in documents of the galleon captains, who were legally considered, "after God and the king," to be masters of this place as they were of their ships. The will of the sailor Juan Martinez, the oldest known document in this regard, was dictated in "Butus" on June 22, 1577 and was legally recognized.
25 Les Français en Amérique, p.203
26 Deher, Sébastien, quoted in Brzezinski, Richard, The Army of Gustavus Adolphus, I Infantry (London: Osprey Military, 1991), p. 17.
27 Sagard, Gabriel, Le Grand Voyage au pays des Hurons,p 33.
28 Relations des Jésuites. (Quebec City: 1858), 1636, pp. 41-42. Lieutenant de L'Isle was also a knight of the Order of Malta.
29 Ibid., 1641, p. 46.
30 Dollier de Casson, François, "Histoire du Montréal," Mémoire de la Société historique de Montréal, (Montreal, 1868), pp. 79-80.
31 Relations des Jésuites (1653), p. 3. This was the famous "levy of 1653," in which many Quebec families have their origins.
32 Dollier de Casson, p. 54.
33 Journal des Jésuites, according to the original manuscript, ed. C.-H. Laverdière and H.-R. Casgrain (Quebec City: 1871), p. 9. For the mission of SainteMarie, see Kidd, Kenneth, E., The Excavation of SteMarie I (University of Toronto, 1949). In 1645, 58 Frenchmen, of whom 22 were soldiers, were at SainteMarie. (AC, C11A, Vol. 1, f. 237), decree of March 27, 1647 regulating the "habitans" of the land of Canada. (AC, C11A, Vol. 1, f. 245), decree regulating the "habitans" of New France. Paris, March 5, 1648.
34 Journal des Jésuites, p. 144.
35 AC, Cl 1A, Vol. 2, f. 183. Estat au vray des charges es despenses ... 1652.
36 AC, D2C, Vol. 47. To be counted with the soldiers who were at Onondaga from 1656 to 1658 (Quebec City, May 4, 1658). Financial record stating that 180 livres had been given to Dupuy in France by Father Lejeune, probably to cover recruiting costs, in addition to 188 livres for his services. Seventeen soldiers were named, five of whom were paid after September 1657 and the others after May 1656.
37 Quoted in Vachon, André, "Dollard des Ormeaux, Adam," Dictionnaire biographique du Canada (Quebec City: Université Laval), Vol. 1, p. 282.
38 BN, Mélanges Colbert, Vol. 109 bis, f. 845. Du Seuil to Colbert, Brouage, July 17, 1662. The Aigle d'or had been built in Brest in 1658, and the Flûte royale purchased in Holland in the same year. See Vichot, Jacques, Répertoire des navires de guerre français (Paris: Association des amis des musées de la Marine, 1967).
39 ANQM, Ordonnances, box 1663-1670, Montreal, January 27, 1663. Ordinance of the Governor founding the militia of the Sainte-Famille de JésusMarie-Joseph with a roll of its soldiers.
40 Mémoires de Louis XIV, ed. Jean Longnon (Paris: Tallandier, 1927).
41 AG, Al, Vol. 155, p. 65, May 31, 1659, the King to the Prince of Carignan under "the name of Carignan." AG, Al, Vol. 154, p. 65, January 1659. Taken from the muster-roll of the troops of the Army of Italy. In fact, it was called Carignan-Salières. Although largely composed of Frenchmen by then, the regiment was still considered to be the most experienced of the foreign regiments.
42 J.C.B., Voyage au Canada dans le nord de l'Amérique septentrionale fait depuis l'an 1751 à 1761, ed. H.R. Casgrain (Quebec City: 1887), pp.34-35.
43 BN, Mélanges Colbert, Vol. 129, f. 146. La Rochelle, May 4, 1665, Colbert de Terron to J.-B. Colbert.
44 Journal des Jésuites, p. 343
45 France, Archives des Affaires étrangères, series B (mémoires et documents), Amérique, Vol. 5, f. 143. Memorandum of the King to Sieur Talon, March 2, 1665.
46 In 1676 the regiment became Soissons, from the name of its new colonel. It then took the name of the province of Perche in 1690. The regiment, French in actual fact for decades, then officially dropped its "foreign" status and was integrated into the "French infantry." In 1744, the Perche regiment was incorporated into the Gardes de Lorraine, which became Lorraine in 1766.
47 AC, C11A, Vol. 4, f. 28. Paris, March 9, 1673. Memorandum from Talon to the King.
48 AC, B, Vol. 3, f. 22. Paris, February 11, 1671. Colbert to Talon.
49 AC, C13C, Vol. 3, f. 49. Memorandum on the expenditures of Sieur de La Salle at Fort Frontenac (1675-1684).
50 AC, CI IA, Vol. 125, f. 32. Paris, April 3, 1669. Louis XIV to Courcelles.
51 Ruette d'Auteuil, "Mémoire sur l'état présent du Canada," December 12, 1715, RAPQ p. 59.
52 Relations par lettres de 1 Amérique septentrionale (années 1709 et 1710), ed. Camille de Rochemonteix (Paris: Letouzey et aîné, 1904), p. 6.
53 AC, CI 1A, Vol. 15, f. 120. Quebec City, October 15, 1697. Champigny to the minister.
54 AC, C11A, Vol. 3, f. 172. Quebec City, November 11, 1671. Talon to Colbert.
55 AC, Cl IA, Vol. 13, f. 367. Quebec City, November 10, 1695. Memorandum concerning the pay and pay deductions of the troops in Canada. The first were appointed in 1685, and the minister approved the measure in 1687. The situation was finally regularized in 1722 by a royal ordinance.
56 AC, series M, Vol. 1031. Memorandum on Canada, unsigned, about 1702.
57 AC, C11A, Vol. 125, f. 393. Versailles, May 7, 1726. Memorandum to provide advice to the Marquis de Beauharnois.
58 AC, C11A, Vol. 29, f. 26. Quebec City, November 14, 1708. D'Aigremont to the minister. These comments were made in response to a proposal to establish military companies composed of Amerindians.
59 It is impossible to claim that the best educated officers in France were unaware of these actions. Detailed summaries were often published in the Gazette de France, the official weekly, and the Mercure Galant, a very popular monthly. They could also have learned of them from the accounts of the voyages of La Hontan, Bacqueville de la Potherie and others.
60 Aventures du chevalier de Beauchêne, Vol. 1, p. 19 "They were tied to a stake, around which four fires were lit.... The Canadians had often threatened to treat these savages in the same way if they did not abolish this barbaric custom and wage better war...."
61 Kalm, pp. 413-414, 552.
62 The Journal of William Pote, Jr., During His Captivity in the French and Indian War from May 1745 to August 1747, ed. John Fletcher Hurst (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1908), p. 124.
63 AC, CIIA, Vol. 30, f. 45. Quebec City, November 14, 1709. Aventures du chevalier du Beauchêne, Vol. 1, p. 18, note 1. "This whoop, which the Canadians copied from the savages, was made by striking the hand on the mouth several times."
64 Relations par lettres de 1 Amérique septentrionale (années 1709 et 1710), p. 8.
65 AC, C11A, Vol. 9, f. 133. Quebec City, October 27, 1687. Denonville to the minister. The extreme west of the island of Montreal is apparently meant, probably Sainte-Anne-de-Bellevue.
66 Courville, Sieur de, "Mémoire sur le Canada," RAPQ 1924-25, p. 103.
67 AC, C11A, Vol. 10, f. 217. Quebec City, November 15, 1689. Frontenac to the minister. Frontenac reported that there were about 200 victims, but more recent studies claim that 24 men were killed at Lachine and about 80 taken prisoner. Some were tortured and others adopted, for 42 were reported missing. Whatever the true number of victims, the shock and horror had a considerable mobilizing effect on the population.
68 Frontenac's interview with the emissary was stormy. According to La Hontan, the Governor was so insulted that Monseigneur de Saint-Vallier and Intendant Champigny attempted to moderate his anger when he wanted to simply hang the emissary in view of the enemy fleet, whom he considered "a collection of bandits, privateers and vagabonds." It was at this time that Frontenac gave his celebrated response, adding "and by gunfire, so that he [Phips] might learn that a man like me is not summoned in this way...." These words were reported by Controller General Monseignat to Madame de Frontenac in November, 1690. AC, C11A, Vol. 11, f. 5.
69 Savage, Thomas, An Account of the Late Action of the New-Englanders, under the command of Sir William Phips, Against the French at Canada (London: 1691), p. 12.
70 A Narrative of an Attempt Made by the French of Canada upon the Mohaques Country being Indians under the Protection of Their Majesties Government of New-York (New York: William Bradford, 1693),p. 11.
71 The regiments of colonels Seymour, Windress, Kaine and Clayton all suffered losses according to PRO, Colonial Office 5, Vol. 9, f. 20. In his journal, Walker stated that 884 soldiers were lost, but this account is less detailed than the previous source. The British regiments of Colonels Kirke, Hill, Disney and Churchill did not suffer any losses, nor did the artillery or the two American regiments of Colonels Vetch and Walton that had been raised for the expedition. Colonel Grant's British regiment was also assigned to the Walker expedition, but 233 of his soldiers were incorporated into other regiments before leaving England. There was also a detachment of 98 artillerymen and armourers and two engineers under the command of Colonel King of the Board of Ordnance. PRO, Treasury 1, Vol. 132, f. 143 and Vol. 135, f. 15; Royal Artillery Institute, Woolwich (G.B.), Manuscript Book of Warrants. The French found many bodies on the shore and on the rocks, among them bodies of women, some of whom still had nursing children. See The Walker Expedition to Quebec, 1711, ed. Gerald S. Graham (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1953).
72 "Les commandants et les majors des troupes du détachement de la Marine," BHR, XXXVI (1930), pp. 705-708. These officers are named in the article.
73 AC CUD, Vol. 5, f. 64. Versailles, March 5, 1705. Memoirs of Sieur de Brouillan.
74 AC C11A, Vol. 125, f. 201. Versailles, March 1692. Letters patent for the establishment of the Recollects.
75 Kalm, p. 276.
76 Sometimes soldiers only 5 feet tall (1.62 m) were accepted because recruits were scarce and because "those who [were] 5 feet 1 inch (1.65 m) [demanded] exorbitant sums to sign up." AM, B3, Vol. 363, f. 223. Nantes, July 17, 1734. Dionne to the minister. During the levy of 1749-50, the minister allowed "the recruitment of men 5 ft. tall." Versailles, May 5, 1749. Minister to Commissaire de Rochefort.
77 Depréaux, Albert, Les A ffiches de recrutement du XVIIe siècle à nos jours (Paris, 1911).
78 Poster of the Corps royal des fusiliers de la Marine (1774-82) which gave "notice to well-proportioned men" that troops were "well dressed, well fed, [saw] the world and [were] well paid." These were certainly the benefits traditionally touted in recruiting Navy and colonial troops. Private collection.
79 AC, C11B, Vol. 17, f. 296. Louisbourg, October 24, 1736. Trial of Joseph Legrand, known as Picard. This young 16- or 17-year-old soldier was accused of desertion as the result of an administrative error. He was acquitted and allowed to return to the ranks.
80 AR, lE, 87, f. 167 [March 1716], Dispatching recruits ...
81 J.C.B., Voyage au Canada dans le nord de 1 Amérique septentrionale fait depuis 1751 à 1761, ed. H.R. Casgrain (Quebec City, 1887). Casgrain suggests J.C.B. was Mr. de Bonnefous, an officer in the Royal-Artillerie Regiment, but he did not come to Canada until 1757. A nominal muster, reproduced in the Papiers Contrecoeur (Quebec City: Université Laval, 1952), has the gunner Charles Bonin, nicknamed Jolicoeur, at Fort Duquesne in 1755. He was the only soldier there to have these initials and this nickname. The J is for Joseph, as for all male Catholics.
82 One can also calculate 6 livres, 15 sous a month for a total of 81 livres a year like the contemporary authorities who deducted in advance a fixed sum of 2 livres, 5 sous for clothing. In the end, the result was essentially the same and the soldiers were no richer.
83 In addition, foremen were given an allowance of 16 livres a month. See Vermette, Luce, La Vie domestique aux forges du Saint-Maurice (Ottawa: Canadian Parks Service, 1982).
84 AC, C11A, Vol. 77, f. 27. Quebec City, September 21, 1742. Beauharnois and Hocquart to the minister.
85 AC, C11A, Vol. 35, f. 15. Quebec City, November 7, 1715, Ramezay and Bégon to the minister.
86 AC, C11A, Vol. 13, f. 261. Quebec City, November 10, 1695, Frontenac and Champigny to the minister.
87 Report on the quarters of the Guyenne regiment around 1775, quoted in the Carnet de la Sabretache (1903), p. 99. This is a virtually unique report on barracks life during the reign of Louis XV.
88 J.C.B., p. 39. In addition to artillerymen, grenadiers and cavalrymen slept two to a bed. Until the 1790s, infantrymen in the French army slept three to a bed, then two to a bed during the wars of the Republic and the Empire. Only after Napoleon's defeat in 1815 and the return of the Bourbons did infantrymen gradually acquire individual beds.
89 AC, C11A, Vol. 13, f. 261. Quebec City, November 10, 1695. Frontenac and Champigny to the minister.
90 AM, B1, Vol. 9, f. 517. Rochefort, October 31, 1716.
M. de l'Épinay to the Navy council. Lafrance, Marc and Desloges, Yvon, Goûter à l'histoire: les origines de la gastronomie québécoise (Quebec City: Parks Canada and Chenelière, 1989); Farmer, Denis and Carol, The King's Bread, 2nd Rising: Cooking at Niagara 1726-1815 (Youngstown, N.Y.: Old Fort Niagara, 1987); Dunton, Hope, From the Hearth. Recipes from the World of 18thCentury Louisbourg (Sidney, N.S.: University College of Cape Breton, 1986). For wines, beers and spirits, see the " votre santé" edition of Cap-aux-diamants, No. 28, winter 1992. Also see Weathon, Barbara Ketcham, L'Office et la Bouche: Histoire des moeurs de la table en France 1300-1789 (Paris, Calman-Lévy, 1984).
91 Boyer, Raymond, Les Crimes et les Châtiments au Canada français du XVIIe au XIXe siècle (Montreal: Cercle du livre de France, 1966), pp. 62-63. He provides a long passage from the minutes of the question period to which the soldier Pierre Beaudoin, called Cumberland, was subjected in 1752. It makes almost unbearable reading.
92 AC, C11A, Vol. 75, f. 222. Quebec City, October 15, 1741. Beauharnois to the minister. This was the case in Montreal in 1741. Two soldiers found guilty of counterfeiting were pursued by the archers but succeeded in escaping because the soldiers guarding the perimeter refused to move.
93 AC, C1 IA, Vol. 29, f. 89. June 13, 1708. King's ordinance.
94 ANQQ P450/4. Trials in absentia for desertion at Fort Beauséjour in 1751-52. There were six desertions in five months at the fort. This high rate is explained by the closeness of British settlements. There was an increase in the number of desertions after 1750, although it should be remembered that the number of soldiers stationed in Canada almost doubled at this time.
95 J.C.B., p. 39.
96 See Lemay, Hugolin, Vieux papiers, vieilles chansons (Montreal: Franciscains, 1936); MacMillan, Ernest, A Canadian Song Book (Toronto: Dent, 1938); D'Harcourt, Raoul and Marguerite, Chansons folkloriques françaises au Canada (Quebec City: Université Laval, 1956); Barbeau, Marius, Folk Songs from Old Quebec (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1964). "Malbrough" is the Duke of Marlborough, one of the greatest generals in British military history.
97 J.C.B., p. 39.
98 AC, C11A, Vol. 67, f. 176. Quebec City, October 15, 1737. Beauharnois to the minister.
99 Accusation brought against Marguerite Leboeuf, the owner of this establishment, cited in Boyer, p. 349.
100 Cited in Lachance, André, La Vie urbaine en Nouvelle France (Montreal: Boréal, 1987), p.59.
101 AC, CI1A, Vol. 87, f. 274, Quebec City, November 3, 1747. La Galissonnière to the minister. He is only repeating what had been said since the time of Champlain.
102 Kalm, p. 119.
103 AC, F2C, box 1, f. 55. June, 1722. Marriages of officers and soldiers.
104 AC, C1 LA, Vol. 40, f. 164. Quebec City, January 12, 1719. Vaudreuil to the Navy council.
105 AC, C11A, Vol. 43, f. 131. Quebec City, January 14, 1721. Vaudreuil to the Navy council.
106 AC, C11A, Vol. 43, f. 320. Quebec City, October 6, 1721. Vaudreuil to the Navy council.
107 AC, B, Vol. 72, f. 12. Versailles, April 4, 1741. The minister to Beauharnois.
108 ANQM, Panet, No. 599. September 1, 1757. Inventory of the property of Jacques-René Gauthier, esquire, Sieur de Varennes . . . Captain of the gentlemen [cadets] in the colony.
109 AC, C11A, Vol. 65, f. 140. Quebec, October 17, 1736. Beauharnois to the minister. This trip to France took place in late 1736 and 1737. Unfortunately, very little of the officers' research has been preserved. Their manuscripts and notes were apparently lost or destroyed in the wars that ravaged New France after 1745.
110 Guignard, M. de, L'École de Mars (Paris: Simart, 1725), 2 vols., I, pp. 686-687.
111 AC, F2B, Vol. 1, f. 395. "1742. Canada." This is a summary of the officers' roll accompanied by notes about the officers.
112 La Hontan, pp. 254-255.
113 AC, B, Vol. 87, f. 4. Marly, January 4, 1748. The minister to La Galissonniére.
114 Allaire, Gratien, "Officers et marchands: les sociétés de commerce des fourrures, 1715-1760," Revue d'histoire
de l Amérique française, XL, 1987, pp. 409-428.
115 Franquet, pp. 15-16.
116 AC, C11A, Vol. 13, f. 178. Montreal, September 28, 1694. Memorandum of La Mothe-Cadillac.
117 Challes, Robert, journal dun voyage fait aux Indes orientales (1690-1691), ed. Frédéric Deloffre (Paris: Mercure de France, 1979), p. 215. Despite the title, the author also relates the story of his capture in Acadia in 1687.
118 In contrast to "Russian service," customary since the last century, in which plates were brought to the table one after the other. Various passages discuss this in: Courtin, Antoine de, Nouveau traité sur la civilité qui se pratique en France parmi les honnêtes gens (Paris: 1695) and in La Civilité puérile et honnête by "a missionary" (1749). Lengthy passages from these books and from several others on this subject are reproduced in Franklin, Alfred, La Vie privée d'autrefois: les repas (Paris: Plon, 1889). It appears that lapses in good manners were unpardonable! This was learned the hard way in 1715 by an imposter, who claimed to be a marquis, but gave himself away by using a fork to serve himself olives during a dinner with the commandant of the port troops of Bayonne.
119 AC, C11A, Vol. 35, f. 3. Quebec City, November 13, 1715. Ramezay and Bégon to the minister. He only escaped his punishment by fleeing to New England. Later, witnesses came forward to testify that the victim had said, before dying, that she was the aggressor and that she pardoned him. As a result, the Chevalier was exonerated.
120 AC, C11A, Vol. 13, f. 283. Quebec City, November 4, 1695. Frontenac to the minister.
121 Quoted in Cloarec, Alain, "L'Ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis & l'institution du mérite militaire," Art & Curiosité, Paris, November-December, 1975, p. 22. There were certain orders such as the Order of Saint Michel or of the Saint Esprit which admitted only leading personages from the court of the King. See Marchal, Charles and Michel, Sophie, "Les ordres du roi," Art & Curiosité, Paris, November-December 1981. The French officers who served in the Order of Malta were allowed to wear the cross of Malta. They were almost always officers on ships or galleys. We found only one knight of Malta among the troops in Canada, the Marquis de Crisafy, who died in 1696. Decorations from lesser-known orders of knighthood were not recognized by the king, as Sieur Walon discovered in 1731, when he was forbidden to wear the cross of the Order of Saint jean de Latran by Governor General Beauharnois. See AC, C11A, Vol. 54, f. 422.
122 AC, C1 IA, Vol. 89, f. 230. Quebec City, November 8, 1747. Saint-Simon to the minister.
123 Archives of the Séminaire de Québec, Saberdache rouge, Vol. M1, No. 26, p. 66. Regulation requested of the Governor General by the priest of Varennes to ensure order during the Corpus Christi procession, June 1, 1756. The captains were not always very strict regarding innkeepers, for the priest complained that people in the past had gotten drunk "too many times ... which was very scandalous for religion."
124 Not to be confused with his younger brother Philippe, who replaced Louis in 1692, when Louis was promoted to the rank of ensign.
125 BL, Stowe Manuscripts, Vol. 463. Journal of Engineer Michael Richards, 1696-97. The number of soldiers is taken from the embarcation returns of the regiment given in BL, Additional Manuscripts, Vol. 15 492,
f. 22; Daniell, David Scott, Cap of Honour: The Story of the Gloucestershire Regiment (28th/61 st) 1694-1950 (London: Harrap, 1951), p. 18. These soldiers wore a red uniform faced with yellow.
126 AC, C1 1D, Vol. 6, f. 19. Port-Royal, June 26, 1707. Subercase to the minister. He asked to send them uniforms "like those of the port bombardiers," but nothing happened as a result of this request.
127 Mercure Galant, February 1706, p. 85. It is not mentioned whether these were French or Spanish Basques, probably because both Spain and France were then at war with England. A tapabord is a kind of cloth cap with flaps to cover the ears. They were very popular in Canada at the time.
128 The Deplorable State of New-England by Reason or a Covetous and Treacherous Governour ... To which is added, An Account of the Shameful Miscariage of the Late Expedition against Port-Royal (Boston, 1708).
129 AR, 1E, Vol. 101, f. 293. Versailles, March 7, 1723. L.A. de Bourbon to Karrer.
130 PRO, State Papers 42, Vol. 38, f. 225. Plan to attack Halifax (1755). It was noted that the Rangers did not live in Halifax. In regard to the "riffraff," this observation about the Mohicans might indicate that they replaced the Mohawks in the early 1750s and that colonists and white adventurers familiar with the forest were recruited. After 1752, command was taken over by Joseph Goreham, the brother of John, who had died in London in December 1751. According to Drake, p. 128.
131 AC, C1IA, Vol. 96, f. 5. Quebec City, August 20, 1750. Bigot to the minister.
132 "Correspondance de Madame Bégon," letter of October 1, 1752, RAPQ 1934-35, p. 178.
133 Musée du Séminaire de Québec, Archives historiques, Papiers Surlaville.
134 AC, C11A, Vol., Vol. 3, f. 254. Quebec City, November 2, 1672. Frontenac to the minister.
135 This "Great Peace" was the result of years of very difficult negotiations among the French, their Iroquois enemies, and their allies along the Great Lakes, especially the Ottawas. We can only give a very simplified outline of the treaty of 1701 here. See Gilles Havard, La Grande Paix de Montréal de 1701: les voies de la diplomatie franco-amérindienne, (Montreal: Recherches amérindiennes au Québec, 1992).
136 It is not known exactly where this fort was, although it was about 160 km south of Lake Michigan in the present state of Illinois. The Foxes' forts were remarkable structures, with double palisades, an earth parapet and a ditch. See Peyser, Joseph L., "The Fate of the Fox Survivors: A Dark Chapter in the History of the French in the Upper Country, 1726-1737," Wisconsin Magazine of History, Vol. 73, No. 2, winter 1989-90, pp. 83-110.
137 On July 6, 1739, there were 11 officers, including the commandant, one chaplain, one surgeon, 24 cadets (of whom 11 were aiguillette cadets and 13 soldier cadets), 39 soldiers, 45 militiamen, and 319 Amerindians (of whom 186 were allied Iroquois established with two missionaries near Montreal). AC, C13A, Vol. 24, f. 299.
138 Massachusetts proclamation of 1746 cited in Drake, Samuel G., A Particular History of the Five Years French and Indian War (Albany: Munsell, 1870), pp. 134-135. The scalps of children were worth £19 and children taken prisoner were sold back for £20. In addition, the scalps of children over 12 years of age were worth £38 and the prisoners themselves £40. This very slight difference between the value of scalps and prisoners amounted to a veiled invitation to kill those captured.
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